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Role and responsibilities of senate and representative
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The debate of existence of the Senate
Recently, the Canadian society is controversial about the existence of the Senate due to the scandals about expenses. In this essay, it will discuss the importance of reforming the Senate. The Senate asks too much money from the people which are unfair. People are willing to keep the Senate as long as the members represent their provinces’ local interest, having the same seats and elected by the people instead of the Prime Minister.
To keep the Senate costs too much than it really worth, so people believe it’s unnecessary and undemocratic compare with giving more political power to the House of Commons. The members of the Senate are chosen directly from the Prime Minister instead of electing by
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the people, so more and more people believe it’s a political favor for those who work in the Senate. “The Reform Party members have said that the Senate costs us $60 million and that they want to reform it. They want an elected Senate will cost Canadians $120 million or more every year to operate.”( Hon. JS, Debates of the House of Commons, 2000) The quote illustrates how much money that the Senate need from the Canadians to reform it and costs twice as much money to operate every year.
The Senate costs the most money compare with all the political institutions in Canada. In fact, people who work for the Senate rarely provide a final check on the law passed in the House of Commons, while getting the highest salary. On the other hand, people also need to pay for other governments at the same time. For instance, “We have municipal governments, urban hamlets, towns and villages, rural municipalities, counties, school boards, hospital boards, provincial governments, the federal House of Commons, and the Senate.”( Hon. JS, Debates of the House of Commons, 2000) People think it’s no longer necessary to pay the Senate more money when people’s basic life needs can be easily satisfied by other governments. Actually, the Canadians consider the Senate’s job as a political furnishing, because the Senate does fewer jobs than municipal or provincial governments. People do not think that the Senate deserves so much money to operate while doing nothing. “As a result the Senate has operated for much of its history as a partisan …show more content…
political body — its members following instructions from their party leaders in the Commons — rather than as originally intended, as an independent voice for regional interests.”(Foot, R. Senate of Canada, 2016) On the other hand, the members of the Senate begin to follow the instructions from their party leader in the Commons. However, the Senators are supposed to listen from people and express their ideas as an independent individual. As a result, the Senate has to be reformed. Reforming the Senate should be focused on the democracy and legality.
For example, the Senator should be elected by the people. Besides, the provincial distribution of seats in the Senate does not fairly reflect the actual situation in the provinces. “However, because the Senate is not elected and represents the worst of partisan, political patronage, it lacks all legitimacy.”(Cranny, M, Jarvis, G, Moles. (2001) P233) It summarizes that the Prime Minister elects the Senator which makes the Senate a place without justice and fairness. Also, the Senate should get more legislative power from the Prime Minister. Therefore, it makes the Senator’s job more effective for the whole Canadian society. “As it stands, Quebec and Ontario each have 24 seats — the same as the four Western provinces combined. Atlantic Canada, with just 7% of the population, holds a disproportionate 29% of the seats.”(Jesse K, Canada needs Triple-E Senate reform, 2013) It will be equal if dividing the seats in the parliament does not according to the number of population within a province. The seats division illustrates the status of each province in the parliament. Also, it is important to choose the senators through voting. Otherwise, people will be disappointed if the senators can’t shoulder the responsibility to fight for their interests. On the other hand, the Senate cannot be
abolished. Historically, the Senate is a symbol for Canada. It is created under Constitution Act, 1867 to protect regional interests. Usually, the Senators are those who are wealthy or having powers in the military. “ It has been a tradition that prime ministers reward top party fundraising lieutenants with Senate seats. Top party officials, political staffers and former candidates and MPs also fall under the category of partisan appointments.”(S, Mike. Senate nominations: A patronage guide for prime ministers-and the public, 2013) Obviously, the Senators have a position of superiors status among the Canadian society. If the Prime Minister revokes all the Senators, it is hard for the parliament to compete with them, since the Senators have the ability to influence the whole Canadian society. Therefore, the Senate cannot be abolished. To sum up, the Senate have to be reformed while taking less money from the people and do more jobs. Due to the symbolism of the Senate and the social status of the Senators, it is impossible to abolish it.
However, there are inherent problems with this type of senate reform, where it asks both federal government and certain provinces to lessen their power so that all provinces have an equal platform to broadcast their issues and regional interests. The idea that these two conflicting governments are involved in the national legislation process would form problems, and even this idea of change would change the normal practices of parliament. This idea a triple E Senate calls for constitutional changes, which are difficult to do, and why so far the Prime Minister has only made informal changes since they would need a 7/10 provincial approval with at least 50 percent of the Canadian population on top of the approval of both parts of parliament. It calls for a complete overhaul of the current senate, to become better suitable for regional representation of the Canadian population (gibbins
Canada’s parliamentary system is designed to preclude the formation of absolute power. Critics and followers of Canadian politics argue that the Prime Minister of Canada stands alone from the rest of the government. The powers vested in the prime minister, along with the persistent media attention given to the position, reinforce the Prime Minister of Canada’s superior role both in the House of Commons and in the public. The result has led to concerns regarding the power of the prime minister. Hugh Mellon argues that the prime minister of Canada is indeed too powerful. Mellon refers to the prime minister’s control over Canada a prime-ministerial government, where the prime minister encounters few constraints on the usage of his powers. Contrary to Mellon’s view, Paul Barker disagrees with the idea of a prime-ministerial government in Canada. Both perspectives bring up solid points, but the idea of a prime-ministerial government leading to too much power in the hands of the prime minister is an exaggeration. Canada is a country that is too large and complex to be dominated by a single individual. The reality is, the Prime Minister of Canada has limitations from several venues. The Canadian Prime Minister is restricted internally by his other ministers, externally by the other levels of government, the media and globalization.
A proportionate electoral system (otherwise known as proportional representation or PR) grants its voters a voice in their vote. The way that the PR system works is that for every percentage of votes a party receives, they will be granted around the same percentage of seats in parliament. For example, if a party receives 35% of the votes, they would receive 35% of the seats in legislature. This is important for Canada because it gives smaller parties a better chance of retaining a seat. There are many different varieties of PR, due to the fact that at often times, the voting percentages do not evenly translate into the number of seats available (King, 2000). For instance, if a party receive 33.6% of the vote, they can’ receive 33.6% of seats. Because of this, numerous variations of the PR system have been created. The most common...
Prime Minister Stephen Harper is attempting to further decentralize Canadian government with, what he calls, open federalism. This essay will begin with a discourse on the evolution of Canadian federalism, then exclusively compare Harper’s approach to the proceeding Liberal governments approach, and ultimately explain why Stephen Harper’s “open federalism” methodology is the most controversial form of Canadian federalism yet.
Senate reform in Canada has been a popular topic for decades but has yet to be accomplished. Since the Senates formation in 1867 there has been numerous people who call for its reform or abolishment due to the fact it has not changed since its implementation and does not appear to be fulfilling its original role. An impediment to this request is that a constitutional amendment is needed to change the structure of the Senate, which is not an easy feat. Senate reform ideas have developed from other upper houses in counties such as the United States of America and the Federal Republic of Germany. From those two different successful governments emerges examples of different electoral systems, state representation, and methods of passing legislations.
Contrasts in the lawmaking methodology utilized as a part of the House and Senate reflect the distinctive size of the two chambers and individual terms of its parts. In the House, the dominant part gathering is inflexibly in control, stacking advisory groups with lion 's share party parts, and utilizing principles to seek after enactment supported by its parts. In the Senate, singular parts are better ready to hold up the procedure, which prompts lower similarity costs, however higher exchange costs. The complication of the lawmaking procedure gives rivals different chances to murder a bill, making a solid predisposition for the present state of affairs.
The electoral system in Canada has been utilized for over a century, and although it has various strengths which have helped preserve the current system, it also has glaringly obvious weaknesses. In recent years, citizens and experts alike have questioned whether Canada’s current electoral system, known as First Past the Post (FPTP) or plurality, is the most effective system. Although FPTP is a relatively simple and easy to understand electoral system, it has been criticized for not representing the popular vote and favouring regions which are supportive of a particular party. FPTP does have many strengths such as simplicity and easy formation of majority governments, however, its biggest drawback is that it does not proportionally represent
Quebec has struggled with a need to be maitres chez nous “masters of their own house” (Young, 1998). Many attempts at resolving Quebec's issues has resulted in tensions from both sides. Because Quebec has a strong national identity, and do not define themselves as strictly Canadian, Quebec is seen as difficult, unyielding and discontented. Quebec's separation perhaps is inedible and the future of Canada questionable. Canada without Quebec will bring about many complications and whether there is a rest of Canada (ROC) after Quebec a major challenge. Western alienation and the lack of representation in federal affairs will be a factor; moreover, past actions and historical events may have turned Canada into a time bomb, and the deterioration of the provinces the only sulotion. How First Ministers react to Quebec's sovereignty regarding economic factors, political structure, and constitutional issues will be of great importance. Whether emotional issues will play a major role in decision making is subjective; however, it is fair to say that it will be an emotionally charged event and it could either tear apart the ROC or fuse it together. Placing emphasis on investigating what keeps Canada together is perhaps the key to Canada's future, and salvaging a relationship with Quebec.
However, the proposed systems must be thoroughly examined for their compatibility with Canada’s needs and their ability to resolve the issues outlined in this paper. From distortion in representation to Western alienation and to making the voices of minorities heard, the new system must also ensure that Parliament fulfills its role in representing, legislating, and holding the government. More importantly, after the current government abandoned its promise on electoral reform, it is important for researchers and future governments to build on the knowledge acquired by the Special Committee on Electoral Reform as well as previous experiences of the provinces with electoral
The Constitution of Canada is very appropriate as it plays its role as a blueprint for the structure of Canada. According to section 91 of the Constitution Act, 1867, it says, “It shall be lawful for the queen, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate and House of Commons, to make laws for the peace, order, and good government of Canada…” [laws-lois.justice.gc.ca]. The structure of Canada and the powers of the Parliament can be easily identified through this law. As it is said, the Parliament can only make laws with the advice and consent of the Senate and House of Commons regarding peace, order and the government of Canada, which is fair and appropriate. Furthermore, as said in section 92 of the Constitution of Canada, it says, “In each province the legislature may exclusively make laws in relation to matters coming within the classes of subjects next hereinafter enumerated; that is to say, - direct taxation within the province in order to the raising of a revenue for provincial purposes, etc.” [laws-lois.justice.gc.ca]. It is a law regarding exclusive powers of Provincial Legislatures on the following topics. Having this law in place ensures that each part of the Legislature gets equal rights and powers making the Constitution very appropriate as a blueprint for the structure of Canada. In addition, in section 93, it states that, “In and for each province the legislature may exclusively make laws in relation to education, subject and according to the following provisions…” [laws-lois.justice.gc.ca]. It states that each Province’s Legislature can make laws in relation to education, subject according to the following necessities. This law balances the education in each province and further develops the overall structure of Canada.
Frist, federalism is the division of power between the provinces and the federal government (Cutler 2010, 3). As well, Federal systems tend to be made up of multiple parts, which do not necessarily work together (Brock 2008, 3). There has been an increase on the study of federalism in recent years, which has created a more in-depth look at how federalism impacts the government. (Farfard Rocher 2009, 294). There are two aspects of federalism and both of them put limitations on the influence of the prime minister. The first is called political asymmetry; this encompasses the various attitudes of the different provinces such as the culture, economic, social and political conditions and how it shapes the relationship between the provincial and federal governments (Brock 2008, 4). This can create a problem for the federal government because it means that they may ha...
Democracy is defined as government by the people; a form of government in which the supreme power is vested in the people and exercised directly by them or by their elected agents under a free electoral system (Democracy, n.d.). Canadians generally pride themselves in being able to call this democratic nation home, however is our electoral system reflective of this belief? Canada is a constitutional monarchy with a parliamentary democracy that has been adopted from the British system. Few amendments have been made since its creation, which has left our modern nation with an archaic system that fails to represent the opinions of citizens. Canada’s current “first-past-the-post” (FPTP) system continues to elect “false majorities” which are not representative of the actual percentage of votes cast. Upon closer examination of the current system, it appears that there are a number of discrepancies between our electoral system and the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Other nations provide Canada with excellent examples of electoral systems that more accurately represent the opinions of voters, such as proportional representation. This is a system of voting that allocates seats to a political party based on the percentage of votes cast for that party nationwide. Canada’s current system of voting is undemocratic because it fails to accurately translate the percentage of votes cast to the number of seats won by each party, therefore we should adopt a mixed member proportional representation system to ensure our elections remain democratic.
In Canada’s democratic government, voting is a powerful way for citizens to communicate their values. The leader who is chosen reflects the power of the Canadians’ values. Thus, to the government, every vote matters, assuring Canadians that their opinions matter. Today, Canada recognizes voting as a fundamental right for all of their citizens. The Canadian Charter of Rights effectively protects this right of all Canadians, even minorities, through section 3. “Every citizen of Canada has the right to vote in an election of members of the House of Commons or a large legislative assembly and to be qualified for membership therein”. This ensures equality for vote to all Canadians. Equality is to allow all Canadians equal opportunity, even if they are of different race, religion, gender and etcetera. However, in the past, this fundamental right has not always been accessible to all. In fact, voting was considered a privilege where citizens had to qualify to have the ability to vote. The rules were so strict that only eleven percent of the past population of Canada could have voted, compared to today’s seventy-eight percent. Many of these rules of who could vote and who could not were very unjust. This was especially seen in minority groups who did not have the franchise, the right to vote.. In this essay, it will be seen that the inequalities to vote made racial exclusions, religious exclusions and gender exclusions more pronounced. It will be seen that the government treated certain races with intentional discrimination creating a lack of an opportunity to vote. As well, the government showed prejudice to certain religious groups, denying these groups their ability to vote. And, finally, it will be seen that views against women aided ...
Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives, Alternative Federal Budget 2011, Report: Rethink, Rebuild, Renew (pg. 69, 70, 72, 75) Retrieved from: http://www.policyalternatives.ca/AFB2011
To conclude, in the present Canadians are seeing change in PSE funding policies begin to come from the provinces. Due to the fact that “when Ottawa went against the grain and launched the Millennium Scholarship programs, provincial feathers, especially Quebec’s, were immediately ruffled,” provinces such as Quebec and British Columbia, among others, were motivated to “set up their own research funding agencies with the view to [maximize] the likelihood of obtaining funds from Ottawa,” (Bakvis 216). As for the legitimacy of cooperative federalism in Canada today, it seems as though executive federalism itself is turning largely paternalistic – at least in the sense of PSE. More often than not, in PSE funding, the federal government has taken the initiative while “one set of executives – those from provincial governments – was largely absent,” (Bakvis 218).