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Race, class, and gender throughout history
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The meaning and penalties of rape have progressed throughout the history of America to ensemble the mindset of the time. Records show that a man in the seventeenth century was convicted of attempted rape if "he used enticement and then force toward a woman, driven by the sinful lusts that raged within him...and he allowed her...to scare or fight him off" (Dayton 238). Unfortunately, this definition was not always taken at face value. The leading men of the seventeenth century, likely white men, reformed this definition in a variation of ways to work in their favor when suspected of rape. It can be determined from study of historical information that the reason there are fewer reported rapes against white males in the seventeenth century and more against non-white males was because women gave in to a society driven by the influence and governance of white males in the legal system. This concept is demonstrated through a look into the outcome of a number of rape cases against both white men and non-white men, through an understanding of the helpless station of women, and through a view at the basis of the white man's resentment toward the non-white male: their view of the non-white male as the "other."
The legal system of the colonial times renounced from punishing white males but did not falter from finding accountability with the actions of females, causing women to pause at reporting rape against white men. Two famed cases in history, those of Martha Richardson and Goodwife Fancy, represent this perception. Martha Richardson had gotten pregnant before her wedding with a man other than her fiancé. Upon this disclosure, Martha recalled fainting at her master's residence some time ago in the company of two white males and concl...
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...as because the societal pressures appealed upon women by these prominent white men had forced them to surrender their pride and give in to the corrupt legal system under whose definitive supremacy their fates depended.
Works Cited
Axtell, James. Beyond 1492: Encounters in Colonial North America. Oxford University Press, 1992.
Dayton, Cornelia Hughes. Women Before the Bar: Gender, Law, And Society In Connecticut, 1639-1789. University of North Carolina Press, 1995.
Hartog, Hendrik. "The Public law of a County Court: Judicial Government in Eighteenth Century Massachusetts." American Journal of Legal History, XX (1976), 282-329
Rowlandson, Mary. The Sovereignty and Goodness of God. Ed. Neal Salisbury. Bedford Books, 1997.
Vilbert, Elizabeth. Traders' Tales: Narratives of Cultural Encounters in the Columbia Plateau, 1807-1846. University of Oklahoma Press, 1997.
James, Edward, Janet James, and Paul Boyer. Notable American Women, 1607-1950. Volume III: P-Z. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1971. Print.
This scandalous case centers on a woman named Katherine Watkins. On Friday, August 18, 1681, Katherine accused a slave by the name of John Long, also known as Jack, of rape. There was some evidence of violence, but there were also outstanding questions about her character and conduct. Those who testified, however, painted a different picture about certain events preceding the crime. They were John Aust, William Harding, Mary Winter, Lambert Tye, Humphrey Smith, Jack White (Negro), Dirk (Negro), and Mingo (Negro). Whether these individuals were so inclined because Katherine Watkins was a Quaker, rather than an Anglican, we can never really know. That certainly fueled the fire, though. The day in question involved an afternoon of cider drinking. Several of the witnesses in the testimonies recounted Mrs. Watkins sexual advances to multiple of Thomas Cocke 's slaves, particularly, a mulatto named Jack. John Aust pleaded that Katherine, at one point, had lifted the shirt of one slave and announced “Dirke thou wilt have a good long thing” (Sex and Relations, 53). She allegedly had thrown another on the bed, kissed him, and, “put her hand into his codpiece” (Sex and Relations, 53). The most interesting piece of evidence that Aust brings forward is that Jack was actually avoiding Watkins at the party, an apparent attempt at avoiding any intimate entanglement with her (Sex and Relations, 52). Finally, he reported that Watkins and Jack had gone into a side room (Sex and Relations, 53). Later in the trial, Humphrey Smith seemingly referred to Aust 's testimony. His deposition suggested that he and Aust had some reservations about Jack 's guilt (Sex and Relations 54). Clearly, the character of the plaintiff was considered important evidence in the trial of a slave for rape. The reasonable extenuating circumstances of the case might have granted the magistrates leave way
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During the eighteenth century, most punishments took place within the community. Incarceration was not as popular as it is in today’s society. Women offenders were punished by male figures instead of going through the court system; usually by their fathers, husbands, guardians, or employers. Because men were recognized as the head of their house holds, they were expected to chastise anyone under their authority (wives, children, servants, or apprentices (Smith, 2012, p. 1695). In the correctional setting, history shows it was customary for women to assume occupational positions involving administration and clerical job duties; especially when working in a gender segregated facility. Mary Weed was the first woman to run a correctional facility in the United States...
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...perialism of the whites, the women were used for sexual pleasures and were given lesser privileges.
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In the 18th and 19th century, laws were being passed to help women bring their offenders to justice. Some say there had to be proof of semen, or that the hymen had to be broken for proof. It was difficult for law-makers to agree on how much evidence is needed to believe women. In much of American history, slave owners could buy black women specifically to serve their sexual urges (The Daily Beast Company). If a caucasian man was to rape a women, it was possible to bring more evidence to a victim case depending on the offender’s sexual background. If the offender was African American, they will most likely be hung or castrated the daily beast company reports.. All Africans were all found guilty no matter if there was a lack of evidence. People would always ignore rape against black women. No one would ever believe them, or even care. There was no way Africans had a chance of defending their case. They were always discriminated by their color, but if they were white it was a completely different story. During these centuries, if the women was either raped or pregnant, the father can sue based on lost of income. In 1913 there was a doctor who stated that rape is not an easy crime, basically referring to women’s ...
Clark, Ann. "Humanity or Justice? Wifebeating and the Law in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries." Regulating Womenhood Historical Essays on Marriage, Motherhood, and Sexuality. Ed. Carol Smart. London: Routledge, 1992. 187-206.
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