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The political machine apuch
The effect of a political machine
Early 19th century politics usa
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The Political machine provides a service to the American Political system by directly engaging with the general public on trying to satisfy the communities’ needs and issues, helping to reduce discrimination against a majority of under privileged in the government sector, and lastly provides continuous efficiency in order to maintain such a large following. While many immigrants and under-privileged citizens were stricken with poverty, there where very few outlets that heard their grievances. The political machines such as New York's infamous "Tammany Hall" served as a gate way for their problems being solved. The political machines would hear out these issues within the community and provide solutions whether it be handing out money and or incentives by way of jobs. The citizens especially during the mid 19th century had formed some distrust of the government and certain political parties that only looked out for their own interests. However, the political machines formed a direct relationship with the people in order …show more content…
to gain their vote. This established trust, which in turn made the people loyal to Tammany Hall. The general public who fit into the bracket of low income were aware that they were not seen as highly important to the government and these other political parties, which wanted to regulate sectors of their life without hearing their views. The people received opportunities and better jobs from the political machines, due to their active role in the voting process. In Plunkitt of Tammany Hall he mentions that "a politician must form a direct relationship with the people, because books can only get you so far." It is not so much of what you know at times, but how you can relate to their situation. The political system was so conditioned to being a certain type of way that when problems arise there seemed to be no room for a solution. Once politicians began to emphasize a more direct approach, grievances started to become taken care of. Plunkitt then mentions that "If a family is burned out I don't ask them if they are Republicans or Democrats, and I don't refer them to the Charity Organization Society, which would investigate their case in a month or two and decide if they are worthy of help about the time they are dead from starvation." He makes a direct attempt to help with food, clothing, and shelter. The governmental process can be prolonged while the political bosses can immediately provide service, and the people see their needs being met at a quicker rate. In addition, Plunkitt mentions the importance of appearances, which reflects how individuals perceive others. He mentions that some politicians become so vain in their appearance that they forget what they were set out to do. Plunkitt dresses in a normal fashion which helps him talk the language of the people. In doing so, it makes it more likely that the politician can relate to their issues more than an individuals who dresses flashy just in order to gain their vote. Genuine heartfelt motivation is what drives politics and the political bosses understood this and emphasized this tactic in order to win over their voters. Secondly, attempting to effectively incorporate different types of individuals into the government sector was another major goal of the political machine. Strategically devised, it was aimed at evening the playing field, so that those who participated in the voting process could be incorporated. Plunkitt states that he is "highly against civil service which is based on obtaining a government job by merit." This in turn can be used as a tactic to weed out certain individuals within the general public. He says that "when one fails to meet the standards they are no longer patriotic." They hope and fall for the dream and then are disappointed, because it is design for only a select few. How can it be a democratic system for the people and by the people when there are only one type of individual holding this office? The spoils system in a sense is used as a remedy in the political machines eyes in order to correct the "democratic system." The idea of eliminating the civil service was constantly discussed in Plunkitt of Tammany Hall. Political machine leaders such as Plunkitt saw the importance of having the people involved in the government and being apart of the political system. Plunkitt states in chapter six "Another thing, I can always get a deserving man a job. I make it a point to keep track of jobs." There are numerous of men that are deserving of a job, but are hindered by status and not meeting the standard of the civil service examination. As a result the political bosses hold contracts and grant them to those who are deserving spreading resources to those who are not seen as worthy to others. Lastly, the political machines demonstrates continuous efficiency in order to maintain such a large following of supporters.
The nature of the political machine can be described as a "well oiled machine." They are constantly in the community making it known that they are the ones to trust. Within chapter five, Plunkitt states "When the people elected Tammany, they knew just what they were doin', we didn't put up any false pretenses." This goes to show that there were political parties that claimed to make a difference and never carried out their promises. The support was given, but the people were neglected. By constantly doing for the community it showed the people that Tammany was here to stay. Even after receiving the votes of their supporters, they are still helping in the community. The sense of patronage and trust is not taken for granted. It is constantly being used back and forth, which enables Tammany Hall to receive straight ticket
votes. In conclusion, the political machines provide a service for the American Political system that directly makes contact with the community which results in issues being solved, individuals being incorporated into the job sector, and lastly remaining an efficient system by way of operation. In turn this helps the political machine gain access to voters and remain in charge for a substantial amount of time.
Roosevelt led the reform committee that brought Tammany to its knees – by the 1960s, the once glorious machine had been destroyed. The urban political machine was a force that provided stability and growth for the “out-of-control” urban population. Cities grew at uncontrollable rates and organizations like Tammany Hall instituted public improvements and created millions of jobs because of the torrential flow of immigrants into Ellis Island. It can even be argued that Tammany and other political machines made the transition easier for these immigrants, without whom the cities would not have been able to prosper to the extent that they did. The political machine created a type of politics that was purely practical in nature, and although it allowed for an immoral amount of corruption, the contributions it made to growth, stability, and production cannot be understated.
Double edge sword is what lies at the heart of Roach’s issue with the American political system. While the public’s trust for their elected officials continues to disintegrate because of backroom deals and a poor transparency, it is exactly what the American political system requires its participants to do in order to be effective deal makers and according Roach, “Campaign contributions and smoke-filled rooms, pork is a tool of democratic governance, not violation of it. It can be used for corrupt purposes but also, for vital ones.” Roach argues that the public must take the good with the bad, they do not have to like it or agree with it, but they must see the importance that each side plays. Roach believes that it has been within the past 40 years that publics growing mistrust for the American political system has pushed toward favoring disintermediation, populism, and self-expression over professionals and political insiders.
The summer of 1964, President Lyndon Baines Johnson finally decided to sign the Civil Rights Act. This bill permitted people of all races and skin tones to be free from segregation. It promised the extension on voting rights, stronger equal employment opportunities, and guaranteed all Americans the right to use public facilities such as schools, restaurants and swimming pools (Politics or Principle 405). Many Americans questioned if the true decision behind President Johnson signing the civil rights act of 1964 was political or principle. I strongly believe Johnson signed it in a principle matter due to seeing different perspectives in living with prejudice, he would do anything to get the bill signed and he was finally free from the South's persuasive bonds.
The political scene of New York was altered greatly as a result of the Triangle Fire. Still dominated by the machine-boss system, New York was prime example of graft and corruption of politicians. Tammany Hall still reigned supreme, even after the fall of Boss Tweed in the 1870s, and a man named Charles Murphy headed it. In 1909, when workers at the Triangle Shirtwaist Factory went on strike, owners Max Blanck and Isaac Harris used the police and gangsters to get the strikers to give up their cause. The suppliers of these corrupt office...
He had opposition from reformers who accused Tammany Hall of illegal activities involving graft. But, according to Plunkitt, he never engaged in "blackmailin', gamblin' or disorderly people." He said that "the politician that steals is worse than a thief." He is a fool, he is a fool." Plunkitt made a fortune in politics, and he did it all through honest graft.
As stated in the first paragraph, these politics control both the institutions and the workplaces of modern America, and therefore intersect in the development of policy and laws. For example, The Norm controls financial institutions, government, religion, schools, human services, healthcare, criminal justice, corporations, factories, and large businesses thereby creating a vicious circle of power, privilege, exploitation, and domination.
To begin with George Washington Plunkitt stated that ‘A politician that embezzles is worse than a crook because he is a fool. He was mainly a democratic senator in New York. Around the 20th century he developed thought on politics, which kind of acts as a man can apply his political theories only in his area or town. Since a lot of people were not aware of the political implications being created, they disagreed with the workings of Tammany Hall according to Plunkitt. Also the Tammany Hall and the politicians from there created a positive vibe about politics in the society. I believe educating them about politics and reaching out to them made the population there more
Following the years of Congressional Reconstruction during the Johnson administration, former Union General Ulysses S. Grant was elected president, despite his lack of political experience. Although Grant was an excellent soldier, he proved to be an insufficient politician, failing to respond effectively to rampant corruption throughout his two terms in office. Both government and businesses were plagued by corrupt schemes, as Republican leaders used the spoils system to gain political favors and “robber barons,” such as Jay Gould and James Fisk, stole large sums of money at the public’s expense. New York Mayor William “Boss” Tweed, leader of the “Tammany Hall” political machine, took advantage of the influx of immigrants to the United States by manipulating newly arrived immigrants, promising employment, housing, and other favors in return for their electoral support. This blatant corruption severely damaged the opinions of many Americans regarding their government, and prompted the election of numerous reform-minded politicians. Rutherford B. Hayes and James Garfield both attempted to restore honest government following the tainted Grant administration, yet political divisions between the “Halfbreed” and “Stalwart” factions of the Republican Party prev...
enough votes to maintain control over the community. Political machines were able to restructure the city governments; they also resulted in poorer services, corruption and aggravation of the immigrants and minorities. ("Encyclopedia of American History") He was able to infiltrate Tammany Hall and bribe or smooth-talk any government official that stood in his way. Famously, Tweed is known for the construction of the New York Courthouse. It wasn't until the New York Times wrote an exposé on Boss Tweed that his grafting became publicly known and finally consequences caught up with his actions.
During the late 19th and early 20th century both the Populist Party and Progressive movement wanted to preserve some things, while also addressing the need for reform. Although many of the ideas and goals of these “Third parties” were initially not legislated and considered far-fetched, many of these ideas later became fundamental laws throughout American history. The Populists and Progressives were both grass roots movements, and addressed the needs of the poor and powerless, for the Populists it was farmers and for the Progressives it was urban lower and middle class workers. These two movements attempted to bring the powerless peoples issues to national politics. The Populists and Progressives wanted to preserve some American ideals of the past, such as a sense of community and the ability for farmers and workers to live happily without economic strains. Populists were more oriented to the plight of the farmer while the Progressives included women's rights, and protection of the consumer and labor.
LaGuardia expressed his interest in the Mayoral running after he lost his final term in Congress, November 1932. On November 22, 1932 LaGuardia invited “Key men and women in politics and all walks of like to attend an anti-Tammany (present mayor) meeting at town hall” (Mann, P.66). At this meeting, LaGuardia knew that it was too early to talk about candidates. But he did offer a very clear and powerful outline of his beliefs to a reporter for the ‘nation’. He states: “While everybody is talking about the necessity of a change in our City government, there is nothing really practical, concrete and definite being done. Public opinion must not only be crystallized, but must be translated into action through the medium of an actual fighting organization of determined men and women. The election machinery cannot be over-looked. The best intentions and good will even of a majority of the people cannot, unless properly prepared, overcome the crookedness, corruption and violence of an entrenched political machine” (Mann, P. 66).
The most commonly known, and consequently most watered down, version of the progressive movement argues that this era was simply an effort by the middle class to cure many of the social and political ills of American society that had developed during the rapid industrial growth in the last quarter of the 19th century. This explanation has proven to be a woefully inadequate in the face of the complexities that characterize these times. In Richard Hofstadter’s The Age of Reform, Peter Filene’s “An Obituary for the Progressive Movement,” Richard McCormick’s “The Discovery that Business Corrupts Politics,” and Paula Baker’s “The Domestication of Politics” each author asserts their own unique interpretations of the progressive movement. These distinct examinations each chart and thus manifest the fluidity of knowledge about this particular time period and how it has been shaped reshaped by new analysis.
Political machines were supported by continuing immigration, sustained by patronage, enlarged by wealth, and in the end were weeded out by reformers progress for public rather than private good, and caused by the need for public works and skilled workers, after the population of cities expanded.
Urban workers received numerous benefits from the political machines of the late nineteenth century. In major cities such as New York, political machines flourished due to the large influx of immigrants. The machine politicians sustained power by forming treaties with citizens and immigrants, in return the machines received political support. They would primarily target those in need, most often new immigrants. The immigrants would likely take the machine's offer due to their lack of money, poor housing, and an inability to find sufficient work. Many of the citizens were reluctant to oppose the machines due to the immense support that they provided for everyday citizens, as well as businesses. Political machines offered a way for urban
In turn, when votes are changed, different public officials are elected. The government officials are the men and women who make the laws and generally run the country. The mass media is at the beginning of a long chain, but nonetheless, the media has a powerful effect on politics in the United States. Works Cited