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The Emergence of New Conservatism in the United States The time between 1960 and 1989 was marked by immense changes in American life. Inflation and unemployment rates were on the rise, liberal social movements were taking place across the country calling for women’s and civil rights and a distrust of the government’s ability to maintain the nation was brewing. Through all of these changes, Americans hoped for stability and a return to traditional, religious values to right society. While some may argue that the rise of a new conservatism between 1960 and 1989 came about as a result of economic instability, in reality, the desire for a government that was reliable and strong on both foreign and domestic issues and for a stable society centered …show more content…
Civilians lack of faith in the federal government largely stemmed from the fiascos that were the Watergate scandal under President Nixon and the war in Vietnam. In the particular case of Watergate, because of the President’s involvement in such a high profile and corrupt scandal, Americans no longer felt that they could believe what the President or the government told them, without questioning. This distrust, coupled with the government’s intervention in affairs that many civilians considered to be none of their business, led to a strong distaste for big government among Americans. Barry Goldwater, a conservative senator from Arizona, verbalized Americans’ distrust of big government in 1960 when he said, “the government is engaged in activities in which it has no legitimate business” and the civilians main concern was the, “encroachment of individual freedom by Big Government” (Document 1). Because of the fear of big government and the lack of faith in America’s leaders, many voters turned to conservative candidates that advocated for states’ rights, individualism and, most importantly, the return of a reliable and trustworthy federal
The prime example of their success is Ronald Reagan with his mix of conservatism and populism. Rhetoric about morality, freedom and responsibility now resonated in new ways with increasing numbers of white middle-class Americans who were concerned with social changes and the threat to their privileges. Even during the Watts Riots, Reagan landed the 1966 campaign for California Governor. But, conservatives did not ease up on their utter disdain for communism. And it highlights a core aspect of McGirr’s argument: she observes how conservatism pits a white-collar middle class against communism and its sinister plots of
O’Connor, K., Sabato, L. J., Yanus, A. B, Gibson, Jr., L. T., & Robinson, C. (2011). American Government: Roots and Reform 2011 Texas Edition. United States: Pearson Education, Inc.
In the first two decades of the twentieth century the national political scene reflected a growing American belief in the ideas of the Progressive movement. This movement was concerned with fundamental social and economic reforms and gained in popularity under two presidents. Yet Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson espoused two different approaches to progressive reform. And each one was able to prevail upon congress to pass legislation in keeping with his own version of the progressive dream. These two people, although they had different principles in mind, had one goal: to make changes to the nation for the better of the people and the country. Setting out to reach this goal, Roosevelt came to be a president of the common man while Wilson became the “better” progressive president.
The New Deal sought out to create a more progressive country through government growth, but resulted in a huge divide between liberals and conservatives. Prior to the New Deal, conservatives had already begun losing power within the government, allowing the Democratic Party to gain control and a favoring by the American people (Postwar 284). With the Great Depression, came social tensions, economic instability, and many other issues that had to be solved for America’s wellbeing. The New Deal created a strong central government, providing the American people aid, interfering with businesses and the economy, allowing the federal government to handle issues they were never entrusted with before. The strong, emerging central government worried conservatives, who supported a weak federal government with little interaction, and resulted in distinct party divisions (285). By allotting the federal government more political control during the early twentieth century, the government now can reign over state governments and affairs. Today many conservatives are still opponents to the strong federal government, finding issues with its involvement in local affairs, whether that be educational involvement through common core or business involvement through labor unions (Diamond 2; Weber 1). While the New Deal formed a divide between
The political shifts in American history during the last two centuries are often explained by Arthur Schlesinger's cyclical explanation of eras of public purpose followed by private interest. What is considered liberal versus what is considered conservative shifts in a similar pattern. While laissez-faire policies are considered liberal in the Roaring 20's, the onset of the Great Depression in 1929 quickly changed America's view of liberalism. Suddenly, the small government politics of Hoover were conservative and the progressive politics of Roosevelt were considered liberal. Thus, because the Great Depression quickly changed America's view of liberalism, Roosevelt can be considered a liberal and Hoover a conservative, despite occasionally supporting similar policies.
It is clear that while political scandal, primarily the 1974 Watergate scandal, played a large role in the rapidly declining confidence in government between 1968 and 1980, it is not the sole or even the dominant factor. The Watergate scandal only impacted on the Nixon era, and subsequently lead to measures that should have prevented further distrust in the government. Instead, the role played by the four presidents who held office in those years was the main reason behind the decline in confidence. The role of the presidents and their White House administrations encompassed political scandals, and also clearly influenced other factors such as the role
In the late1960’s American politics were shifting at a National level with liberalism being less supported as its politics were perceived as flawed, both by people on the left who thought that liberalism was not as effective as more radical political enterprises and by conservatives who believed that liberal politics were ostensibly crippling the American economy.
Looking at the United States in 1965, it would seem that the future of the liberal consensus was well entrenched. The anti-war movement was in full swing, civil rights were moving forward, and Johnson's Great Society was working to alleviate the plight of the poor in America. Yet, by 1968 the liberal consensus had fallen apart, which led to the triumph of conservatism with the election of President Reagan in 1980. The question must be posed, how in the course of 15 years did liberal consensus fall apart and conservatism rise to the forefront? What were the decisive factors that caused the fracturing of what seemed to be such a powerful political force? In looking at the period from 1968 to the triumph of Reagan in 1980, America was shaken to the core by the Watergate scandal, the stalling of economic growth, gas shortages, and the Vietnam War. In an era that included the amount of turbulence that the 1970's did, it is not difficult to imagine that conservatism come to power. In this paper I will analyze how the liberal consensus went from one of its high points in 1965 to one of its lows in 1968. From there I will show how conservatism rose to power by the 1980 elections. In doing so, I will look at how factors within the American economy, civil rights issues, and political workings of the United States contributed to the fracturing of the liberal consensus and the rise of conservatism.
MARTIN KELLY, Overview of United States Government and Politics Foundation and Principles, 2011, retrieved February 21st 2011 from http://americanhistory.about.com/od/governmentandpolitics/a/amgovoverview.htm
The New Deal period has generally - but not unanimously - been seen as a turning point in American politics, with the states relinquishing much of their autonomy, the President acquiring new authority and importance, and the role of government in citizens' lives increasing. The extent to which this was planned by the architect of the New Deal, Franklin D. Roosevelt, has been greatly contested, however. Yet, while it is instructive to note the limitations of Roosevelt's leadership, there is not much sense in the claims that the New Deal was haphazard, a jumble of expedient and populist schemes, or as W. Williams has put it, "undirected". FDR had a clear overarching vision of what he wanted to do to America, and was prepared to drive through the structural changes required to achieve this vision.
Starting during the 1970s, factions of American conservatives slowly came together to form a new and more radical dissenting conservative movement, the New Right. The New Right was just as radical as its liberal opposite, with agendas to increase government involvement beyond the established conservative view of government’s role. Although New Right politicians made admirable advances to dissemble New Deal economic policies, the movement as a whole counters conservativism and the ideologies that America was founded on. Although the New Right adopts conservative economic ideologies, its social agenda weakened the conservative movement by focusing public attention to social and cultural issues that have no place within the established Old Right platform.
Schmidt, Shelley, and Bardes. American Politics and Government Today. Wadsworth Publishing Company, 1999, pgs. 325-327.
The senator believes that the Constitution is the answer to fixing the federal government. Goldwater tells readers, “...the Constitution which is an instrument, above all, for limiting the functions of the government, and which is as binding today as when it was written” (Goldwater 10). Moreover, Goldwater adds on to this by wroting, “The federal government has moved into every field in which it believes its services are needed...Inside the federal government both the executive and judicial branches have roamed far outside their constitutional boundary lines” (Goldwater 13). This act was an atrocious crime to the senator. Goldwater’s observation is supported by Arthur M. Schlesinger in A Thousand Days: John F. Kennedy in the White House. Schlesinger wrote, “...President Eisenhower, accustomed all his life to the military staff system, and to the needs of a regime more concerned with consolidation than with innovation” (681). The presidency was becoming more about expansion of political power than the prosperity of the American people. Goldwater furthers this point by giving advice to other politicians saying, “...state officials throughout the land to assert their rightful claims to lost state power; and for the federal government to withdraw promptly and totally from every jurisdiction which the Constitution reserved to the states” (24). In the senators mind, shrinking the size of the federal government and ensuring the individual rights of the states was imperative to the success of the United
In the 1950s, the conservatives experienced a schism; Conservatives were divided into “libertarian conservatives” and “new conservatives”. Libertarian conservatives reclaimed the idea of freedom as “individual autonomy, limited government, and unregulated capitalism,” which was favored by businessmen seeking to capitalize on an economy free from government regulation, high taxes, and labor unions (Foner 1004). On the other hand, “new” conservatives opposed “‘big government’ in America, at least so long as it was controlled by liberals who, conservatives believed, tolerated or encouraged immorality”(Foner 1005). New conservatism identified freedom with morality and intellect-the major weapons to combat Communism in the Free World. Many people
Modern liberalism and modern conservatism are both political outlooks that involve acceptance or support of the balance of the degree of social equality and social inequality; while they tend to avoid political changes that would result in extreme deviation of society to either side. Modern liberalism and modern conservatism tend not to be as centrist or middle-of-the-road ideologies as they once could be. Ideology is a set of ideas and beliefs that guide the goals, expectations, and actions of a group (Webster’s Dictionary). Individuals who are conservative or liberal tend to have views that align within a political party, whether it be Republican or democratic, but this is not always the case. There are conservative democrats, such as, Jim Costa and Jim Cooper and there are liberal republicans, such as, Nathaniel Banks and George Washington Julian. Another name for conservative democrats would be blue dog democrats while the nickname for liberal republicans is the Rockefeller republicans. These two ideologies tend to be more of the centrist ideologies. Modern liberals tend to be members of the Democratic Party because they support a wide range of welfare programs and government support of the public sector and tighter corporate regulations (PP Modern Liberalism). U.S. Conservatism evolved from classical liberalism, which makes them similar, yet there is many differences between modern conservatism and modern liberalism. There are principles and tenets that govern each ideology. A tenant is a belief or idea that is held as being true from a group (Webster’s Dictionary). In understanding both ideologies, it is imperative to have an understanding of classical liberalism. Classical liberalism was built on ideas from the seventeenth ...