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The presence of war has been argued as one of the major contextual factors leading to rapid changes in media discourse. During periods of conflicts, the media are characterised by a heightened emphasis on a clear division between “us” – the goodies and “them” – the baddies (Bugarski 1997). In particular, a “polarising logic of war discourse” (Pankov, Mihelj and Bajt 2011, p. 1044) is deliberately formed by conflating various forms of nationalism and other discourses of identity, such as gender and age (ibid), with the intent to create binaries and contrast different entities involved in the war. In doing so, the media serve to sustain power in political systems, for they promote preferred social relations and values of the ruling political structure (Van Dijk 2006, p.15). The mediated representations of the political crisis in Crimea in 2014 have followed this pattern. In this case study, using critical discourse analysis, I shall examine the language and accompanying video of the article “'What If My son doesn’t Come Back at All': Crimean Mothers Wait for Their Sons Drafted in Ukraine”, which was published on Russia Today News’ website on 26th March 2014. I particularly pay attention to how these textual and visual elements transform people into nationalised and gendered subjects in a pro-Russian nationalist narrative so as to legitimise the ideology that the news serves.
The article was tied to the concern over the situation of Crimean soldiers serving in the Ukrainian army after the Crimea’s legal status referendum held on 16th March 2014. As a result of this referendum and a string of events entailed, Crimea, formerly an autonomous republic within Ukraine, became a part of the Russian Federation, and those soldiers who had no...
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...d nationalism. Journal of Political Ideologies, 3 (1), p.99-118.
Flood, G., C., 2002. Political Myth. New York: Routledge.
Habermas, J., 1989. The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society. Cambridge Massachusetts: The MIT Press.
Hall, S., 1988, The Hard Road to Renewal: Thatcherism and the Crisis of the Hard Left. London: Verso.
Pankov, M., Mihelj, S. and Bajt, V., 2011. Nationalism, Gender and the Multivocality of War Discourse in Television News, Media Culture Society, 33 (7), p.1043-1059.
Slier, P., 2014. 'What If My Son doesn’t Come Back at All': Crimean Mothers Wait for Their Sons Drafted in Ukraine. Russia Today. [online] Available at: http://rt.com/news/crimea-mothers-soldiers-ukraine-389/ [Accessed 30th April 2014]
Van Dijk, T. A., 2006, Discourse and manipulation. Discourse & Society, 17(3), p.356–383.
...h case the government will be more inclined to respond to it because of this (Robinson 1-2). With Crimea now part of Russia, perhaps the people of Ukraine can have some self-determined actions.
[2] Weaver, Matthew. "Ukraine Crisis." The Guardian. N.p., 20 Feb. 2014. Web. 7 Mar. 2014. .
Gerbner, G. (1993). Defense and the Media in Time of Limited War. Armed Forces and Society, v20, pp.147-9.
Habermas believed that the tendency of Marxism to favor one-sided “materialist” social explanations accounted, in part, for its growing obsolescence in Western sciences” (Seidman 125). Habermas’ ideology better describes contemporary society in part because it attempts to look at society from as many different outlets as possible, whether it be economic, political, cultural or more. His ideology is ever changing and Habermas’ work is dynamic. His ability to abandon work he has already done in hopes of working towards ideas that are more in-depth shows his dynamism. Because Habermas’ reformed Marxist ideology is always changing and because he tries to look at society through a holistic lens, his work does a superior job than Collins in explaining society.
Technology is growing fast, as is the new generations branching off with new forms of media and devices that provide us with the news. News and politics have had difficulty when informing its public and community of the events that happen in their community. Now the media and news are growing to reform to the earlier generation’s way of receiving the news and events related to them, by using media and popular culture. According to Wodak, for politics to air and to engage and intrigue its public, it must need scandal, rumour, and speculation (45). The West Wing, is a clear example of where the news and politics enter into the world of entertainment, but still informing its audience of the political world and events they may face. I will be analyzing The West Wing television series in relation to the representations of gender, race, and politics with support from examples and scholarly sources.
The use of propaganda and the war of words between belligerents played a big part in making the First World War total, as “the orgy of killing on the battlefield took place against the backdrop of an orgy of loaded words.” The government and press were able...
Rancour-Laferriere, D. 2000. Nationalism, Extremism and Xenophobia : Imagining Russia: ethnic identity and the nationalist mind. University of California.
It is 6:00 at night the news comes on story after story delivers crime, anger, death, devastation, and little hope. In less then 2 minutes the broadcaster is able to delivering these stories that are missing layers of information and deep history. The clips are unsettling, incomplete and often bias but it is all that is given and opinions start to form. The news suffers from ethnocentrism, the likeliness to use their culture’s standards to judge other people and actions within another culture, and has a large influence on how their audience perceives and processes information. Through cultural relativism we can shed light on some of these issues, start to understand the big picture, and stop judging.
he views of masculinity have been ever changing in the past hundreds of years. At the beginning of the twentieth century when it came time for Canadians to World War One the government and recruitment officers took the approach of gender stereotypes to influence men to join up. “The war played an important role in the construction of gender, and the social roles of men and women” and the recruitment efforts of World War One used this to their advantage . Men were portrayed as tough, strong, and capable of defending the country. These beliefs were shown though the use of propaganda and other forms of recruitment efforts that were significant to gender dimension and notions of a man.
Ball, Stuart and Ian Holliday. Mass Conservatism: The Conservatives and the Public since the 1880s. London: Frank Cass Publishers. Print.
Wilk, Andrzej. "The Military Consequences of the Annexation of Crimea | OSW." Www.OSW.waw.pl. N.p., 19 Mar. 2014. Web. 2 Apr. 2014. .
Before beginning my essay, “The Middle East, Conflict in Journalism”, I would like the reader to read a few terms. These are merely food for thought, do whatever with them you wish.
While a pleasing prospect, this did not happen. In the late 1980’s, Slobodan Milosevic, a Serbian communism, rose to power. Milosevic was fueled by the Serbian public’s disdain of Kosovo’s autonomy to “rally” the public around the Serbian flag. He made the mistreatment of Serbs by ethnic minorities, like the Albanians, central to his campaign for presidency of Serbia. After successfully using aggressive tactics to win the election, President Milosevic continued the rallying call. Milosevic’s targeting of ethnic rivalry as scapegoats shows diversionary theory in action. Milosevic exploited the undercurrent of the public and political sphere, the growing Serbian nationalism, ethnocentrism, and discrimination, to create a nationalist agenda and solidify his centralized role as Head of Serbia and “Greater Serbia.” Levy and Thompson show that the lack of “strong central state institutions to promote an unbiased Yugoslav media encouraged the post-Tito fragmentation of popular conceptions of state identity, and contributed to the tensions precipitating the Yugoslav wars of 1992-5.” Mobilizing public opinion against the ethnic minorities present can increase the political legitimacy and power of the political
However, it does not stop Leon Barkho and Lisa Thomas from discovering bias stemming from stories on the war. Barkho‘s article centers around the discursive strategy and practices of the BBC and the ways these relate to their reporting on the Arab-Israeli conflict. Although Barkho does present a critical analysis of how the war is linguistically described, drawing specifically from Fowler’s take on transitivity, the article goes beyond these news reports, contextualizing their content through an analysis of the BBC’s editors’ blog, BBC editorial guidelines and extensive interviews with senior BBC editorial staff (281). The outcome is not only a critical examination of the way the news program reports this conflict, but also the most current understanding into the goals and practices of BBC news reporting in a post-Hutton, post-Neil Report era (290). In the end, Barkho claims that the “BBC’s choice of vocabulary” in reporting Palestine and Israel “reflects the unequal division of power, control, and status separating the protagonist and this inequality surfaces at several levels and is strongly backed by editorial strategy and policy
One example for such confliction is the coverage of the 2003 Iraq invasion. The invasion was largely supported by the press with the justified ideology of eliminating terrorism and liberating Iraq people from the tyranny reign of Saddam Hussein. However, according to The Guardian, very few media have accurately reflected the real purpose of the war – “oil”. Apparently, the phrase “war on oil” has become a taboo for many Americans since it describes dark pages of the nation’s history when the US invade and spread terror on other nations for the benefit of the wealthy. However, the following analysis were presented by The Guardian,