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Rule of law by aristotle
Aristotle rule of law
Rule of law by aristotle
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In Aristotle’s book III of Politics he famously describes “law as reason unaffected by desire”. However, even when examining human beings in a state of nature as these equally rational individuals, self-interest is still a factor of concern when discussing matters such as the formation of civil society. It can be summarized that one of the roles of government is the preservation of civil society. While supremacy according to Locke rests with the legislative branch, a constantly active legislature is neither practical nor advisable as it carries with it the risk for abuses that come with a position of creating laws. To quote section 144 of Book II of the Two Treaties on Government; “…laws that are at once, and in a short time made, have a constant …show more content…
Or to quote (but not in any way to misdirect the topic of Madison in Federalist 51) “In framing a government which is to be administered by men over men, the great difficulty lies in this: You must first enable the government to control the governed; and in the next place, oblige it to control itself. A dependence on the people is no doubt the primary control on the government; but experience has taught mankind the necessity of auxiliary precautions.” This does not mean to say that the Executive power holds control of the legislature in fact such actions to impede legislative actions or even meetings of said legislatures would be an act of war against citizens. There exists in a way, not a control but a trust in a set of actions committed by the executive when the legislature does not have the ability to meet to discuss and execute laws, and by extension, when such procedures, impedes on the immediate welfare of the citizen, such as in the event of an …show more content…
While the second carries more weight overall and gives us an idea to the complexity that can arise from an already complex and vast set of possible rules, it the circumstances that really test the theory of executive prerogative, and push the functions of power that we see today. The U.S while an ocean away from the problems of Europe in both World War I and World War II, the perception of the threat was strong enough to not only merit action of intervention but along with it (after world war II) was the idea of national security, especially after World War II and most especially when factoring the creation of the atomic bomb, which significantly discredited the Webberian definition of a state as an organization with a monopoly on violence and more importantly posed enough of a threat that it could eliminate most of the populace of any
Exceptions to these rules are often required because of a lack of knowledge of the skills and expertise need to serve in government positions. For example the branches should strive to be independent from the other two branches. With each branch seeking to follow their own agenda rather than being controlled by others as they serve their sentences. Madison then proceeds to address the significant need of constitutional safeguards to prevent the gradual concentration of power. For example “Ambition must be made to counteract ambition. The interest of man must be connected with the constitutional rights.” This provides us protection from those in the government and those who abuse their power because since we aren’t angels we will abuse power if given the chance and opportunity to. One of the greatest problems the government will face is controlling those they govern and themselves. Thus dependence on the peoples will is the government’s main source of power with other precautions. These precautions include the division of power within each branch to prevent any one branch from becoming unstoppable. However it isn’t possible to ensure that all branches receive equal power of defense. In republican governments, the legislative branch
James Madison once said,” All men having power ought to be distrusted.” Through these words, Madison made the statement that not all government officials use their authority for good; some abuse that power and use it to gain more for themselves rather than vesting it within the people. This issue may lead to tyranny. Tyranny is when all powers belong to only one person or group. In May of 1787, the Constitutional Convention was held in Philadelphia to draft a better constitution. One of the topics that concerned many was how the constitution would guard against tyranny. Madison and the other delegates wanted a Constitution that would be strong enough to unite the states and the people together without letting there be one person or group gain too much power. They achieved this in several ways. Today, the U.S. Constitution guards against tyranny by including a separation of powers, federalism, and the fair representation of states.
Madison speaks of the problems of the present attempts at a new government saying “our governments are too unstable, that the public good is disregarded in the conflicts of rival parties, and that measures are too often decided, not according to the rules of justice, and the rights of the minor party, but by the superior force of an interested and over-bearing majority”.
As James Madison said, “The different governments will each control each other, at the same time that each will be controlled by itself.” What James Madison is trying to say is that the central and state governments have enough power that they don’t control everything. The central government has enough power to help some of the country’s major needs, and the state government has enough power to help the state’s needs because the state’s needs may be more specific. From this, you may conclude, that dividing powers between the central and state governments prevents tyranny. The first guard against tyranny was Federalism, which means a system of government in which power is divided between a federal government and state government.
“In framing a government which is to be administered by men over men, the great difficulty lies in this: you must first enable the government to control the governed; and in the next place oblige it to control itself,” are words written by James Madison in The Federalist Papers No. 51. The Federalist Paper No. 51 is one of several documents that compose the Federalist Papers, a series of essays written by James Madison, John Jay, and Alexander Hamilton promoting the ratification of the Constitution. In this particular paper, several principles are used as arguments for ratification. Specifically, a main argument discussed is the means this government would have to self-regulate itself. Following the sentence quoted above is, “A dependence on the people is, no doubt, the primary control on the government; but experience has taught mankind the necessity of auxiliary precautions.” The auxiliary precautions Madison refers to is one of the many principles of our government that is still in action today, a system of checks and balances. Such a principle was born from the Constitution as a result of the existence of three branches and their division of powers.
But what is government itself, but the greatest of all reflections on human nature? If men were angels, no government would be necessary. If angels were to govern men, neither external nor internal controls on government would be necessary.” As to the question of what influence Aristotle may have had on the architects of the Federalist Papers, it seems clear that at the very least, his writings contain ideas that are in no small way shared by Hamilton, Madison, and Jay.
Continuing the metaphor of faction as a disease, Madison labels “[a] republic” as “the cure for which we are seeking”. Madison notes that a republican government differs from pure democracy in that the delegation of the government is smaller and can thus achieve efficient action. Another contrast lies also in the extent to which a republic has influence over a “greater sphere of country”. The passing of public views “through the medium of a chosen body of citizens” allows for refinement of ideas due to the influence of elected officials’ wisdom and is “more consonant to the public good than if pronounced by the people themselves”. To protect against the caprices of wicked men, the number of representatives of the people will be a quantity that stymies the influence of the few but is able to, as Madison states, “guard against the confusion of a multitude”. Madison then references his belief in the common sense and good will of men in that “the suffrages of the people” is likely to result in the election of men most deserving and fit for their roles as representatives and lawmakers. Madison presents an avowal that counters one of the Anti-Federalists’ major grievances: “[t]he federal Constitution forms a happy combination” with “the great and aggregate interests being referred to the national, the local and particular to the State legislatures”; Anti-Federalists feared that a stronger
American politics is often defined by a continuing power conflict between the executive and the legislative branches of the government. This struggle for political power between the two stronger branches of the three is inherent in the Constitution, itself. The concepts of separation of powers and checks and balances ensure that the branches of government will remain in conflict and provide a balance that keeps the entire government under control. As it was first established, the executive branch was much smaller and weaker than as we know it today. Consequently, the legislative branch was unquestionably dominant. Over the course of history, the executive branch grew in both size and power to the point where it occasionally overtook the legislative and today rivals the legislative in a much closer political battle. Today both branches have major factors that contribute to their power, but on the whole the legislative remains the lastingly dominant branch.
Assuring the people, both Alexander Hamilton and James Madison insisted the new government under the constitution was “an expression of freedom, not its enemy,” declaring “the Constitution made political tyranny almost impossible.” (Foner, pg. 227) The checks and balances introduced under the new and more powerful national government would not allow the tyranny caused by a king under the Parliament system in Britain. They insisted that in order achieve a greater amount of freedom, a national government was needed to avoid the civil unrest during the system under the Articles of Confederation. Claiming that the new national government would be a “perfect balance between liberty and power,” it would avoid the disruption that liberty [civil unrest] and power [king’s abuse of power in England] caused.
One of Locke’s broadest conclusions is his definition of the role of the state. He defines the states only real role is to ensure justice is done based on what he states are unalienable rights granted to all: life, liberty and the pursuit of estate. Because society has given birth to the state to defend these rights that define justice, society also grants legitimacy to the state. We see echoes of Locke’s theories manifested in societal archetypes like democracy and perhaps even certain anarchist theories.
...wers Congress has that makes it paramount to the executive and legislative branches are the abilities to appropriate funds, declare war, and create laws. The ability to appropriate funds is bestowed upon the legislative branch because it is the branch that controls all federal projects and makes rules and regulations on how those projects run. The ability to declare war is entrusted in the legislative branch because Congress is in charge of foreign affairs and National Security; therefore, they can declare war if there is a breach in the nation’s security. The essential ability the legislative branch can do is creating laws. This power is so important because it enables the government to create order, as well as have freedoms, in society and within the government. The legislative branch is the most powerful branch, and will hopefully remain that way, in the future.
A ruler should have enough power at his disposal so that he may be able to secure the people’s properties, rights, and ensure their protection, yet his power must be limited so that he may not use it arbitrarily and against the good and will of the people. Moreover, the legitimacy and authority of a ruler should come from his ability to govern society justly and protect the people’s properties and rights. This is exemplified by John Locke’s Two Treatises on Civil Government, in which he states, “The reason why men enter into society is the preservation of their property; and the [reason] they choose and authorize a legislature is that there may be laws made [...] as guards [...] to the properties of all, to limit the power [...] of every [...] member of the society.” If the ruler is unable or...
Those who feared that the federal government would become too strong were assured by Madison in Federalist No. 14 that “in the first place it is to be remembered that the general government is not to be charged with the whole power of making and administrating laws…The subordinate governments, which can extend their care to all those other objects which can be separately provided for, will retain their due authority and activity”
But because no political society can be, nor subsist, without having in itself the power to preserve the property, and in order thereunto, punish the offences of all those of that society; there, and there only is political society, where every one of the members hath quitted this natural power, resigned it up into the hands of the community in all cases that exclude hi not from appealing for protection to the law established by it. (Locke - 46)
Self-interest refers to one’s benefits and advantages. People only want what they want or needs and claimed about others. The psychological egoism describes the human nature and states how we actually act in reality. Based on egoism, every act of human is selfish. With so much debates, it is natural to hear people suggesting that human actions are inspired by merely personal wills, while there are also critics attributing all actions to self-interest. This essay will argue that self-interest is not the only component of human behaviours, but also moral considerations and actions. This will be asserted by manifesting how people’s performance are related to psychological elements other than self-interest, and proving that self-interest is not