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Kenneth Anderson is professor of law at American University. He teaches and writes in the areas of business and finance, both domestic and international, law and economics, public international law, international organizations, human rights, and the laws of war. Matthew C. Waxman is a professor of law and the faculty chair of the Roger Hertog Program on Law and National Security. He is an expert in national security law and international law including issues related to executive power: international human rights and constitutional rights, military force and armed conflict, and terrorism. He clerked for Supreme Court Justice David H. Souter and Judge Joel M. Flaum of the 7th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals. The two asserts the premises that the
Richard Morris Hunt was an American architect born in 1827. Hunt was born in Brattleboro, Vermont. His dad was a lawyer and US congressman, so their family had lots of money. He first attended Boston Latin School, and then in 1943 when his father died, he traveled to Europe to study art and architecture. In 1846 he would become the first American to attend the Ecole des Beaux Arts in Paris, the finest architecture school in the world. He finally settled in New York in 1855, where he made it his goal to raise the standard of design.
The book raises the importance of, and questions, the writ of habeas corpus. Carter used a writ of habeas corpus to get a federal trial. Many question the legality of Carter going into federal jurisdiction, when his case should have been heard before the Supreme Court of New Jersey. It was a gamble, but the federal judge gave fair justice to Carter and Artis. The State of New Jersey appealed the case all the way to the United States Supreme Court, which upheld the District Court’s ruling.
People use the word okay nearly every day. It is a word that everyone knows and uses due to its vast meanings. To be okay, is what Gary D. Schmidt’s novel Okay for Now really tries to get readers to understand. He poses the question: just what does “okay for now” mean? These answers are found through examining the characters in the store. While, okay can mean many different things, being okay means that the person is in a state where while things are not perfect, but they are tolerable and satisfactory and can improve.
Howell defies unilateral powers as “…instruments by which the presidents set all sorts of consequential domestic and foreign policy (Paige 1977)” (Howell 242). To explain, Howell argues unilateral actions allow for presidents to bypass Congress in attempt to create domestic and foreign policy. Howell also brings to light “The U.S. Constitution does not explicitly recognize any of these policy vehicles (executive agreements, executive orders, executive memoranda, proclamations, etc.)”, but the president uses them as justifications for his actions. Howell provides his audience historical examples of such unilateral actions.
Wilson, T. W. (n.d.). "Fourteen Points" Avalon Project - Documents in Law, History and Diplomacy. Retrieved April 14, 2011, from http://avalon.law.yale.edu/20th_century/wilson14.asp
In a world where terrorism, war, and economic instability are ever looming threats it’s not a wonder why the limits on the freedom of the individual can come into question. This is especially true when the country where these limits are brought into question is one of the world’s leading powers in: democracy, economics, social welfare, military force, and foreign politics in general. This country, of course, is the United States. Unfortunately, even with the country’s democratically centered government, there is still a debate on whether Americans have enough protections for civil liberties or not. A few key areas of argument on civil liberties and hopefully provide enough information to the reader so that he/she may deduce an educated opinion as to whether Americans have enough protection for civil liberties or not.
Anyone wishing to argue that the War Powers Act is unconstitutional must be prepared to explain the purpose of article I, section 8 of the Constitution (Carter). Article I, section 8 clearly states that Con...
In her essay Can U.S. Citizens Be Held as Enemy Combatants, Jennifer Vanklausen explores the ethical question of our government’s policy to hold American citizens suspected of terrorist activity against the United States as enemy combatants, withholding their constitutional rights as provided in the fifth and sixth amendments, during an undeclared war.
September 11th, 2001. An organization denoted as terrorists by the United States, Al-Qaeda, attacked the U.S on our own soil. In his “Letter to the American People”, the leader of Al-Qaeda, Osama Bin Laden, takes a defensive stance regarding the attack, giving his justifications of why the attack on the U.S was warranted and acceptable in the terms of Just War Theory, citing examples of the Right to Self-Defense and reasons why he was justified in targeting American civilians. Just War Theory is comprised of ideas of values to determine when acts of aggression are morally justified or not, and it is primarily split into two categories, Jus Ad Bellum (Justice of War) and Jus In Bello (Justice in War) (Walzer 21). In this essay, I will be arguing against Bin Laden’s claims of the justification of Al-Qaeda’s attack, using the failure of Bin Laden’s attack to meet the requirements for a just war in terms of Jus Ad Bellum and Jus In Bello.
After Dahl reviewed his research findings he concluded that the Court was only rarely willing to counter Congress’s preferences by striking legislation. According to Dahl, “the Supreme Court is inevitably a part of the dominant national alliance. As an element in the political leadership of the dominant alliance, the Court, of course supports the major policies of the alliance” (293). This explains to readers that although the Supreme Court does somewhat consider other bodies of government, overall, it attempts to act as its own body when making decisions.
In the aftermath of the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks US Congress passed legislation known as the Uniting and Strengthening America by Providing Appropriate Tools Required to Intercept and Obstruct Terrorism Act of 2001 commonly known as the USA Patriot Act. This paper will attempt to prove that not only is the USA Patriot Act unconstitutional but many of its provisions do nothing at all to protect Americans from the dangers of terrorism.
Lobel, Jules. 2009. Adapted from: Preventive detention and preventive warfare: U.S. national security policies Obama should abandon, Journal of National Security Law and Policy 3: 351-359.
Mingst, K. (2011). Essentials of international relations. (5th ed., p. 70-1). New York, NY: W.W. Norton & Company
Richardson, Neal A., and Spencer J. Crona. "Terrorists Should Be Tried in a Military Tribunal." Criminal Justice. Ed. Jill Karson. San Diego: Greenhaven Press, 2004. Opposing Viewpoints. Opposing Viewpoints In Context. Web. 15 Oct. 2013.
Meiertöns, H. (2010). Doctrines of U.S. Security Policy: An Evaluation Under International Law. Cambridge University Press. Retrieved July 2, 2011 from EBSCOhost