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The importance of diversity in the classroom
The importance of diversity in the classroom
The importance of diversity in the classroom
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The issue with the Texas Top 10 Percent Plan and other race neutral methods is that the UT admissions staff isn’t able to pick out these students that bring a unique aspect of diversity to campus. With the Top 10 Percent Plan, admission is based solely on GPA relative to the other students in one’s high school. Even though this leads to diversity based on race, it is an ineffective means to achieve the “individualized diversity” that the University of Texas needed in order to accomplish their mission. As a result, In 2004, UT re-introduced race and ethnicity in admissions through a newly established holistic admissions system. The process began with a year-long evaluation to determine if UT had met their goals regarding diversity. After a year, …show more content…
the assessment committee determined that these goals had not been reached, and so they submitted a proposal for a holistic admissions system to the University of Texas Board of Regents. The proposed system calculates a Personal Achievement Score (PAI). One component of the PAI was special circumstances, which includes race as a distinguishing special circumstance, although this component was only one of six. Through this, applicants with desirable special circumstances are given more points in calculating their PAI, meaning that more of them will be admitted to increase the desired diversity at UT. According to the University of Texas, their educational mission requires diversity in order to be fulfilled. In their words, their mission is “educating the future leaders of Texas, in a State that is increasingly diverse.” In order to achieve this mission to prepare their students for a future that includes diversity, UT had to include race in the holistic admissions process. ---------- The petitioner is given a chance to refute the respondent’s brief in their reply brief. The first point that the petitioners refute is that they don’t hold Article III standing. In their statement they make the point that in the four times in which Fisher v. University of Texas had been tried, the reviewing court had never found issues with the petitioner’s Article III standing. The petitioner goes even further to refute this point by declaring that “UT’s arguments expose its desperation to avoid a ruling on the merits” The petitioner believes that UT attempts to use standing as a distraction because UT cannot win the case on their own merits. The petitioner then readdresses the standards that UT needs to meet in their admissions system.
In their brief, the respondents claim that they don’t have to give clear educational goals because it is the petitioner requesting it and not a precedent set in court. However, the petitioner responds to this claim by stating:
Strict scrutiny would be a nullity if UT could survive it merely by making a general claim of seeking the educational benefits of diversity without ever explaining why it needed race to do so. There would be no way for the reviewing court to verify that it is ‘necessary’ for a university to use race to achieve the educational benefits of diversity. Strict scrutiny requires a court to assess both the legitimacy of a university’s rationale for employing racial preferences and the necessity of using race to achieve
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it. In this response, they target the vagueness of UT’s descriptions. In particular, UT never elaborates why they want or need diversity in their school. Under strict scrutiny, they have to explicitly and clearly describe their rationale. This is necessary because it is easy to describe a loosely structured affirmative action system if there is no specific rationale behind it. For example, a university must know what type of diversity they are looking for and how it will improve the campus climate so they are able to design a narrowly tailored system to accomplish it. Even worse, in the case of the University of Texas, they changed their rationales in an attempt to be more clear. Not only does this violate strict scrutiny because the rationale must be clear at the onset of the program, but their justifications became increasingly vague. The petitioner targets each of UT’s motives for increasing diversity on campus and points out why none of them can be upheld under strict scrutiny. Initially, UT wanted to increase diversity on campus for greater classroom diversity and demographic parity. Over time as arguments in court progressed, they changed their rationales to increasing “intra-racial diversity” In regards to the two initial interests, the petitioner asserts: The United States half-heartedly defends UT’s abandoned interests in classroom diversity and demographic parity, recognizing that they are the only justifications offered in UT’s Proposal. The United States claims—without analysis—that “classroom diversity” and the disparity “between the racial and ethnic makeup of the student body and the State’s population are constitutionally acceptable goals. But that is wrong, and Grutter supports neither. Nor does the United States explain how UT’s system is narrowly tailored to achieve either. Attaining classroom diversity is extreme unspecific because they fail to define exactly what level of classroom diversity they are seeking. Although demographic parity is slightly more precise, this is not a compelling interest because very few universities mirror the demographic of the state in which they reside. Also, demographic parity is not an attainable goals because it would require monumental shifts in the current demographics of the university and could not be achieved under a legal affirmative action system. In reference to UT’s interest in intra-racial diversity, the petitioner refutes: Any claimed interest in intra-racial diversity fails at the outset for two reasons. First, as the United States implicitly acknowledges, U.S. Br. 3, 27-28, it is not “the actual [reason] underlying the discriminatory classification,” Mississippi Univ. for Women v. Hogan, 458 U.S. 718, 730 (1982), but a post hoc rationalization for a classification imposed for different reasons, Pet. Br. 32-35. Second, there is no record evidence “to support [UT’s] conclusion” that racial preferences were necessary to achieve its asserted goal “at the time it acted.” Shaw v. Hunt, 517 U.S. 899, 915 (1996); Pet. Br. 33-35. UT does not seriously contest either charge; rather, it asks the Court to ignore Fisher I and relieve it of the obligation to comply with basic precepts of strict-scrutiny review. Supra at 6-8. That should be the end of the matter. This argument first proves that intra-racial diversity isn’t a compelling interest in itself because of precedent set by Mississippi Univ. for Women v. Hogan. However, it goes even further by asserting that this rationale is invalid because they applied it years after 2004 when UT re-introduced race into admissions. Because strict scrutiny requires justification to be present at the time when an affirmative action program begins, the respondent’s argument that they are seeking intra-racial diversity is completely invalid. The petitioner’s rebuttal is very effective because they address the respondent’s arguments point-for-point and are able to successfully weaken the respondent’s argument. The petitioner proves why they have standing, reiterate why UT has not met the standards for a strict scrutiny review, and gives specific examples why UT has never provided a clear compelling interest for including race in admissions. The most significant advantage to their argument is the evidence that they are able to provide that directly refutes the opinions that the respondent put forth in their brief. While most of the respondent seeks to provide distractions for the true core of the case which is a strict scrutiny review, the petitioner is successfully able to challenge them with precedents from other cases and data from UT admissions. ---------- Majority Opinion Written by Peter Brody-Moore In 2008, Petitioner, Abigal Fisher, sued the University of Texas on the basis that UT’s affirmative action policies discriminated against her as a Caucasian. Petitioner did not receive admission to UT’s 2008 entering class and claims that this rejection is a result of UT’s affirmative action policies. It is the majority opinion of the Supreme Court of the United States that the University of Texas’ use of race in their holistic admissions process violates the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment and is therefore unconstitutional. The University of Texas re-introduced race into admission after Grutter v.
Bollinger which allowed for race to be considered in admissions if it was one of many other factors, and Gratz v. Bollinger which declared it unconstitutional to automatically adds points for specific racial identities. UT’s rationale for re-introducing race was to gain a critical mass of diversity in their school in order to better prepare their students for a future in which they would encounter diverse perspective. However, the main question in the case is not whether or not UT needs diversity in their school. It is a commonly accepted fact that students benefit from having a more diverse classroom and from hearing opinions that contradict their own. The question in this case is if the mechanism through which the University of Texas achieves diversity survive under a strict scrutiny test.
The University of Texas’ holistic admission system does not survive a strict scrutiny test and is thus unconstitutional under the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. Strict scrutiny requires the University to have a compelling interest to institute affirmative action policies and the affirmative action policies must be narrowly tailored. In this case, the University does meet the condition of a compelling interest for diversity. As the respondents argued in their
brief: UT undertook a year-long assessment of whether UT had met its “overall goal of having a student body that is meritorious and diverse in a variety of educationally relevant ways,” which included discussions with administrators, faculty, and students. JA 445a- 46a, 481a. This lengthy process culminated in a proposal that UT made to the Board of Regents in June 2004 (2004 Proposal). SJA 1a-39a. The 2004 Proposal explained, on the first page and throughout, that UT sought to achieve the same interest that this Court had just reaffirmed was compelling—the “educational values of diversity.” This demonstrates the time and effort to UT took in both determining their current state of diversity, and then evaluating what level they would ideally be at. Through their year-long assessment, they determined concrete educational benefits to having a diverse student body. These concrete benefits do form a compelling interest in the precedent set by Grutter v. Bollinger. Even though UT has a compelling interest in diversity, their mechanism to achieve the desired levels of diversity are not narrowly tailored. According to the majority opinion written in the case Grutter v. Bollinger, “When race-based action is necessary to further a compelling governmental interest, such action does not violate the constitutional guarantee of equal protection so long as the narrow-tailoring requirement is also satisfied.” Therefore, Grutter sets that the admissions system needs to be narrowly tailored in addition to having a compelling interest in order to be constitutionally acceptable. An affirmative action system is narrowly tailored if and only if it is instituted to achieve both clearly defined and attainable goals. In addition, it can only be introduced to fulfill on these goals. This is where UT failed a strict scrutiny review, therefore making their admissions system unconstitutional. When the University of Texas re-introduced race into their holistic admissions system in 2004, they did so for two reasons: to promote demographic parity and classroom diversity. In this case, the Supreme Court places the burden of proof on the University of Texas to prove that these two means are narrowly tailored. In the previous two reviews, the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals has provided the University of Texas with too much deference in their duty to prove that their policies are narrowly tailored. They accepted demographic parity, classroom diversity, and eventually intra-racial diversity as narrowly tailored based on UT’s credibility as an academic institution, instead of challenging UT to thoroughly explain their goals. This amount of deference is shameful to the United States court system because of the bias the the Fifth Court exercised. In our own review of the facts provided by the briefs, the Supreme Court does not accept UT’s goals of demographic parity, classroom diversity, and intra-racial diversity as narrowly tailored.
Consider your and the court’s response to the above question. Would your decision be different if it could be shown that, in a certain small,
Their special admissions program worked by reserving sixteen percent of the entering class for minorities. The minorities entering through this special admissions program were processed and interviewed separately from the regular applicants. The grade point averages and standardized test scores from the special-admissions entrants were significantly lower than the grade point averages and standardized test scores of the regular entrants, including our dear friend Allan Bakke.
In 1973 a thirty-three year-old Caucasian male named Allan Bakke applied to and was denied admission to the University of California Medical School at Davis. In 1974 he filed another application and was once again rejected, even though his test scores were considerably higher than various minorities that were admitted under a special program. This special program specified that 16 out of 100 possible spaces for the students in the medical program were set aside solely for minorities, while the other 84 slots were for anyone who qualified, including minorities. What happened to Bakke is known as reverse discrimination. Bakke felt his rejections to be violations of the Equal Protection Clause of the 14th amendment, so he took the University of California Regents to the Superior Court of California. It was ruled that "the admissions program violated his rights under the Equal Protection Clause of the 14th Amendment"1 The clause reads as follows:"...No state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor without due process of the law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws."2 The court ruled that race could not be a factor in admissions. However, they did not force the admittance of Bakke because the court could not know if he would have been admitted if the special admissions program for minorities did not exist.
In the United States, for the last four decades, from Richard Nixon to Ronald Reagan through the two Bush Presidencies, the Republican Party won the White House by amassing large margins among white voters (Lizza.) The state of Texas has been reliably Republican since the 1970s and there are various elements to Texas political culture that can be narrowed down to three essential ideological trends: economic liberalism, or faith in the free market economy, social conservatism, or favoring traditional values and moralism, and populism, or promoting the rights and worthiness of ordinary people (Texas Political Culture.) As a result, the dominant political mood in Texas favors low taxes, minimal government services, and policies that are pro-business. This phenomenon is not static, however, since changing demographics in the state are causing changes in the profile of Texas in reference to electoral politics, among other major issues. This paper will explore different perspectives about the changing demographics of Texas, and where they might lead the state politically, and will present a variety of viewpoints regarding this complex subject.
Throughout the 1950s, the NAACP with the help of Charles Hamilton Houston and Thurgood Marshall pursued lawsuits against the “separate but equal” policy instated by the Plessy v. Ferguson case. For years, colleges and universities in which there was no African American counterpart avoided court orders to admit black students by hastily setting up “equal” counterparts. But in 1950, the Supreme Court ordered that a black student be admitted to the University of Texas Law School, despite the fact that the state “…had established a “school” for him in the basement” (Foner 953). The court declared that there was no way that this “school” was equal, and demanded that the student be admitted to the law school, sparking an era that called for desegregation. Later, in 1954, a landmark decision came from the Supreme Court as a result of the Brown v. BOE case. In the early 1950s, a man named Oliver Brown went to court to fight that fact that his daughter “…was forced to walk across dangerous railroad tracks each morning rather than being allowed to attend a nearby school restricted to whites” (Foner 953). The case made it all the way to the Supreme Court, and on May 17, 1954, the court declared that “Segregation in public education…violated the equal protection of the laws guaranteed by the Fourteenth Amendment” (Foner 954), arguing that the
Texas, being the second largest state in the United States, has a very large and ethnically varied population. Since 1850, Texas has had more of a population growth in every decade than that of the entire population of the United States. Texas' population is growing older as the people of the post World War II reach their middle ages. It's estimated that the people over the age of 64 in Texas will more than double by the year 2020 in Texas. Four out of every ten Texans are either African American or Hispanic with the remainder predominately white. There are a small but very rapidly growing number of Asians and fewer than 70,000 Native Americans. The diverse set of ethnic groups in Texas causes a big impact on laws and legislature in Texas.
Affirmative action, the act of giving preference to an individual for hiring or academic admission based on the race and/or gender of the individual has remained a controversial issue since its inception decades ago. Realizing its past mistake of discriminating against African Americans, women, and other minority groups; the state has legalized and demanded institutions to practice what many has now consider as reverse discrimination. “Victims” of reverse discrimination in college admissions have commonly complained that they were unfairly rejected admission due to their race. They claimed that because colleges wanted to promote diversity, the colleges will often prefer to accept applicants of another race who had significantly lower test scores and merit than the “victims”. In “Discrimination and Disidentification: The Fair-Start Defense of Affirmative Action”, Kenneth Himma responded to these criticisms by proposing to limit affirmative action to actions that negate unfair competitive advantages of white males established by institutions (Himma 277 L. Col.). Himma’s views were quickly challenged by his peers as Lisa Newton stated in “A Fair Defense of a False Start: A Reply to Kenneth Himma” that among other rationales, the Fair-Start Defense based on race and gender is a faulty justification for affirmative action (Newton 146 L. Col.). This paper will also argue that the Fair-Start Defense based on race and gender is a faulty justification for affirmative action because it cannot be fairly applied in the United States of America today. However, affirmative action should still be allowed and reserved for individuals whom the state unfairly discriminates today.
...e they already had precedents to go on and to add to for future cases.
“Anyone interested in higher education should want to contemplate, on behalf of colleges and universities, students and faculty, alumni and paying parents, the fate of affirmative action(Chace, M William 20). The Oxford Dictionary states Affirmative Action is “an action or policy favoring those who tend to suffer from discrimination, especially in relation to employment or education; positive discrimination.” In 1961, John F. Kennedy signed an Executive Order calling for “affirmative action to ensure that applicants are employed, and that employees are treated during employment, without regard to their race, creed, color, or national origin.” This is now known today as the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission(EEOC). Affirmative action policies would later be forced upon businesses and have also been instituted at many universities where minorities are given preferred admissions over non-minorities. An Example of this would be at the University of Michigan where applicants who represented racial or ethnic minorities were given 20 points towards admission out of a 150 point system where only 100 points were needed to gain admission. Trying to put the 20 points in perspective, applicants with perfect SAT scores only received 12 points toward admission. This system was later struck down by the Supreme Court, but another similar policy was upheld at the University of Michigan Law School. With how diverse our society is currently compared to years ago, it seems to compliment that the policies have indeed worked. But now, the policies are questioned by many as whether or not they moral, constitutional, and/or...
Diversity in Chicago is astounding, known for the contrasting ethnic and racial society having contributed to the cultural and economic value of that great city. Chicago is defiantly one of the ultimate divers’ cities in the country. The City of Chicago thrives on its multicultural diversity and harmony throughout its neighborhoods. The city is overflowing with diversity from amazing dining and shopping to the breathtaking views from either the lakefront or even some of the most spectacular architecture skyscrapers. It is accustomed that Chicago defiantly represents diversity and its countless designs. However, diversity exists in Chicago that has a tendency to go unnoticed diversity of the individuals that compose the city.
Affirmative action has been a controversial topic ever since it was established in the 1960s to right past wrongs against minority groups, such as African Americans, Hispanics, and women. The goal of affirmative action is to integrate minorities into public institutions, like universities, who have historically been discriminated against in such environments. Proponents claim that it is necessary in order to give minorities representation in these institutions, while opponents say that it is reverse discrimination. Newsweek has a story on this same debate which has hit the nation spotlight once more with a case being brought against the University of Michigan by some white students who claimed that the University’s admissions policies accepted minority students over them, even though they had better grades than the minority students. William Symonds of Business Week, however, thinks that it does not really matter. He claims that minority status is more or less irrelevant in college admissions and that class is the determining factor.
Reed, Rodney J. (1983) Affirmative Action in Higher Education: Is It Necessary? The Journal of Negro Education, Vol. 52, No. 3, Persistent and Emergent Legal Issues in Education: 1983 Yearbook, 332-349.
Racial preference has indisputably favored Caucasian males in society. Recently this dynamic has been debated in all aspects of life, including college admission. Racial bias has intruded on the students’ rights to being treated fairly. Admitting students on merit puts the best individuals into the professional environment. A university’s unprejudiced attitude towards race in applicants eliminates biases, empowers universities to harness the full potential of students’ intellect, and gives students an equal chance at admission.
Affirmative action policies were created to help level the playing field in American society. Supporters claim that these plans eliminate economic and social disparities to minorities, yet in doing so, they’ve only created more inequalities. Whites and Asians in poverty receive little to none of the opportunities provided to minorities of the same economic background (Messerli). The burden of equity has been placed upon those who were not fortunate enough to meet a certain school’s idea of “diversity” (Andre, Velasquez, and Mazur). The sole reason for a college’s selectivity is to determine whether or not a student has the credentials to attend that school....
that may happen, therefore it must be interpreted. The Supreme court applies or interprets the law and/or