Saba Mahmood critiques secular and liberal frameworks of agency and freedom in "Feminist Theory, Embodiment, and the Docile Agent: Some Reflections on the Egyptian Islamic Revival," through a close examination of women's mosque movement in Egypt. Her thesis revolves around the notion that freedom, and actions taken to achieve it, is not a universal end, but rather a product of the particular historical context that the subject in question is located in. Mahmood's conceptualization of freedom serves to complicate the liberal understanding of agency by calling for attention to the historical context and cultural specificity of actions and subject being studied. These complications serve to resist the universalization of the desire for freedom that is imposed and defined by Western feminist theorists. …show more content…
Mahmood moves to complicate the concept of agency and freedom in order to challenge the limitations that are inherent in liberal feminist understandings of agency and freedom.
When agency is understood simply as the capacity to resist dominant structures of power, it limits how we can come to understand "the lives of women whose desire, affect, and will have been shaped by nonliberal tradition." (Mahmood, p.203) Mahmood redefines agency as "the capacity for action that historically specific relations of subordination enable and create." (Mahmood, p.203) This nuanced understanding of agency also serves to interrogate the liberal feminist understanding of the relationship between body, self, and moral agency. This historicized understanding of agency is one that informs Mahmood's understanding of self. She argues that the relationship between body, self, and moral agency is one that is also defined by cultural and political
locations. Mahmood substantiates this argument through a close examination of women's mosque movement in Egypt. She specifically looks at the women's focus in cultivating shyness and patience. Although Western feminist theorists could argue that the focus in cultivating shyness and patience only serve to uphold idealized notions of passivity and subordination, Mahmood would argue that such a stance is one that is detached from any cultural or historical awareness of what serves to motivate these women's interest in cultivating shyness and patience. In addition, this close examination of the cultivation of shyness allows Mahmood to demonstrate what "the conceptual relationship these practices articulate between memory, bodily acts, and the constitution of self." (Mahmood, p.214) She uses the example of wearing the veil, and how it is a practice that not only aids in the practice of shyness, it also helps define shyness. This is an example of what role the body plays in the making of self; the "outward behavior of the body constitutes both the potentiality, as well as the means, through which an interiority is realized." (Mahmood, p.214) Mahmood often referenced Mohanty in her explanation of why a cultural and historical inclusive analysis of agency is important, and I believe that Mohanty would appreciate that Mahmood is present with how history and cultural traditions complicate power relationships at any given moment in time. An ahistorical analysis would be one that imposes Western feminist values, which is something that both Mohanty and Mahmood would argue limits transnational feminist solidarity. In addition, this centering of culture and history, is one that necessarily complicates the process of understanding power. By taking into account the impact of globalization, imperialism, colonialism, etc, the complexity of power is allowed to be visible. This is especially crucial for Western feminist theorists, because without these considerations, any knowledge produced would be one that denies the subject complexity. This denial of complexity would certainly be something that Avery Gordon would contest, since she argued that resistance to dominance cannot be achieved by ignoring the complexities and contradictions that the subject embodies. In order for a transnational solidarity to effectively challenge systems of dominance, there must be room for complexity, and Western feminists can account for complexity by accounting for history and culture in their analysis. This complication of agency and cultivation of self and desire is one that I really enjoyed reading about. I know that I have had much more practice in thinking about agency as stemming from power that was rooted in an undominated self that existed prior to the present-day systems of oppression, so to think about the capacity to resist dominant structures as a product of these very systems is intriguing. It is an understanding of agency that better aligns with the ways that I understand the formation of my own self.
The article “My Body Is My Own Business” by Naheed Mustafa is about an Islamic women’s principle that putting on her usual headscarf, or Hijab, actually empowers her as a female, contrary to the popular principle that the hijab represents male oppressiveness. She ex...
The overriding right to bodily autonomy is considered characteristically male by many feminists. Females in contrasts seem to be assumed to be
She makes the case that Western feminists have radically misinterpreted the veil. For many Muslim women, the veil acts as a divide between the public and private. The veil may actually liberate women from “the intrusive, commodifying, basely sexualizing Western gaze”. The veil frees women from the oppressive hyper-sexualization of found in Western culture. Reducing the veil to a symbol of oppression disregards the possibility of female agency outside a Western feminist paradigm. The veil has the potential to liberate women in the public space. Projecting our Western notions of sexuality and gender roles denies the possibility of different forms of sexual
Lila Abu-Lughod’s article titled, “Do Muslim Women Really Need Saving?” takes a closer look at the problematic ethnocentric approach many have when trying to gain an understanding of another culture that may be foreign to that individual. In this analytical paper, Lughod looks at women in Islam, specifically the treatment of women and how it might be utilized as a justification for invading into a country and liberating its people. The country Lughod refers to in her article is Afghanistan, and Lughod points out the misunderstanding from the people to the Bush administration like First Lady Laura Bush who believed that intervention was necessary to free women from the captivity of their own homes. It is important to consider the role that different lenses play into all of this, especially when one’s lenses are being shaped by the media. Depictions of covered women secluded from society leave a permanent image in the minds of many, who would then later support the idea of liberation. This paper will discuss that the practice of using propaganda when referring to the lifestyle in the Middle East is not exclusive to the U.S; rather it has been utilized throughout history. Additionally, we will take a closer look on the importance of symbols, such as veils in this case; help to further emphasize the cause to liberate. Finally, we will analyze Lughod’s plea towards cultural relativism and away from liberal imperialism.
The late nineteenth century was a critical time in reshaping the rights of women. Commonly this era is considered to be the beginning of what is know to western feminists as “first-wave feminism.” First-wave feminism predominately fought for legal rights such as suffrage, and property rights. A major hallmark of first-wave feminism is the concept of the “New Woman.” The phrase New Woman described educated, independent, career oriented women who stood in response to the idea of the “Cult of Domesticity,” that is the idea that women are meant to be domestic and submissive (Stevens 27).
Both el Saadawi and Al-Shaykh both show how perception and expression are both affected within the confines of politics, social opportunities, and male privilege depicted in their stories. Whether the reader is a follower of the feminist movement or not, it is very clear and easy to see that these women are not being treated with the respect that any human being deserves. The misogynistic stranglehold on society, especially in this part of the world, is excessive and avoidable in today’s world but it is very likely that the traditional, conservative ways of the past will continue to control and inhibit women from being able to be fully treated as equals for many years to come, perhaps even after this generation has
One of the most famous contemporary ethnographic studies of women and gender within Islam is Erika Friedl’s Women of Deh Koh, in which her main concern seems to be providing he...
Society has long since considered women the lessor gender and one of the most highly debated topics in society through the years has been that of women’s equality. The debates began over the meaning between a man and woman’s morality and a woman’s rights and obligations in society. After the 19th Amendment was sanctioned around 1920, the ball started rolling on women’s suffrage. Modern times have brought about the union of these causes, but due to the differences between the genetic makeup and socio demographics, the battle over women’s equality issue still continues to exist. While men have always held the covenant role of the dominant sex, it was only since the end of the 19th century that the movement for women’s equality and the entitlement of women have become more prevalent. “The general consensus at the time was that men were more capable of dealing with the competitive work world they now found themselves thrust into. Women, it was assumed, were unable to handle the pressures outside of the home. They couldn’t vote, were discourages from working, and were excluded from politics. Their duty to society was raising moral children, passing on the values that were unjustly thrust upon them as society began to modernize” (America’s Job Exchange, 2013). Although there have been many improvements in the changes of women’s equality towards the lives of women’s freedom and rights in society, some liberals believe that women have a journey to go before they receive total equality. After WWII, women continued to progress in there crusade towards receiving equality in many areas such as pay and education, discrimination in employment, reproductive rights and later was followed by not only white women but women from other nationalities ...
In the book, Women in the Middle East, a Saudi Arabian proverb states, "A girl possesses nothing but a veil and a tomb" (Harik and Marston 83). The key words, "veil" and "tomb" lend evidence to the fact that many Middle Eastern women lack identity symbolized by the “veil” and lack the right of ownership except for their veil and the tomb. This statement further enforces the notion that many women in the Middle East are expected to serve and tolerate the oppression of the men in their lives throughout their lives on this earth. Moreover, it confirms that many of these women do not get the opportunity to obtain education, join the work force, and even participate in the political affairs of the country. This arrangement further helps the Middle Eastern men to view women as their properties, servants, or even as slaves. Ultimately, there are three main reasons why Middle Eastern men engage in the act of oppressing their women.
The right to control one’s own body was at the heart of the feminist health movement and was interpreted by feminists to mean possessing knowledge about how their bodies functioned, having the power to make informed decisions about their bodies, and being treated with dignity and respect by the medical establishment.
Deeb, Mary-Jane. Freedom House. Women’s Rights in the Middle East and North Africa-Oman, 2010. http://www.freedomhouse.org/template.cfm?page=179 (accessed August 14, 2010)
As women, those of us who identify as feminists have rebelled against the status quo and redefined what it means to be a strong and powerful woman. But at what cost do these advances come with?... ... middle of paper ... ... Retrieved April 12, 2014, from http://www.feminist.com/resources/artspeech/genwom/whatisfem.htm Bidgood, J. 2014, April 8 -.
Perhaps the main reason I liked this book was the unfaltering courage of the author in the face of such torture as hurts one even to read, let alone have to experience first-hand. Where men give in, this woman perseveres, and, eventually, emerges a stronger person, if that is even possible. The book’s main appeal is emotional, although sound logical arguments are also used. This book is also interesting as it shows us another face of Nasir – the so-called “champion of Arab nationalism” – who is also the enemy of pan-Islamism. The book is also proof of history repeating itself in modern-day Egypt.
As an Arab American, a Muslim and a woman writer, Mohja Kahf challenges the stereotypes and misrepresentation of Arab and Muslim women. Her style is always marked by humor, sarcasm, anger and confrontation. “The Marvelous Women,” “The Woman Dear to Herself,” “Hijab Scene #7” and “Hijab Scene #5” are examples of Kahf’s anger of stereotypes about Muslim women and her attempts to fight in order to eradicate them, in addition to her encouragement to women who help her and fight for their rights.
Throughout history, women have remained subordinate to men. Subjected to the patriarchal system that favored male perspectives, women struggled against having considerably less freedom, rights, and having the burdens society placed on them that had so ingrained the culture. This is the standpoint the feminists took, and for almost 160 years they have been challenging the “unjust distribution of power in all human relations” starting with the struggle for equality between men and women, and linking that to “struggles for social, racial, political, environmental, and economic justice”(Besel 530 and 531). Feminism, as a complex movement with many different branches, has and will continue to be incredibly influential in changing lives. Feminist political ideology focuses on understanding and changing political philosophies for the betterment of women.