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Discuss cuban revolution
Cuban revolution effects
Cuban revolution effects
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Between April and October of 1980, over 125,000 people fled to the United States from Cuba. This massive exodus became known as the “Mariel boatlift.” The Mariel boatlift was the third-wave of emigration from Cuba since Fidel Castro came to power in 1959. The Mariel exodus was also the largest. The simple answer to why the boatlift began is to say that the Cuban people were fleeing communist oppression. The simple answer is not incorrect; however, it is incomplete. There were a plentitude of factors which contributed to the Mariel boatlift’s occurrence. These factors date back to the decay of U.S.-Cuba relations when Fidel Castro seized power in 1959, and expanded as the result of the Cuban recession of 1979 and 1980 and disenchantment with the revolution. To add, the Mariel boatlift left a serious impact on the United States as the flood of emigrants continued over the five month period. Not only did the boatlift lead to the loss of Carter’s 1980 election campaign, it also exposed major issues in Fidel Castro’s regime.
When Castro came to power in 1959,
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agrarian reform shortly followed. The new Cuban government deemed agrarian reform as essential to economic development, in addition to the abolishment of social class issues in Cuba. The agrarian reform resulted in the nationalization of land by the Cuban government. The U.S. reacted negatively to Castro’s reforms for two reasons. The first reason for this negative reaction was that U.S. investors lost property when Castro nationalized Cuban land. Investors who were reimbursed for their land did not receive the full amount of what the land was worth. The second reason for the negative U.S. reaction came directly from the Presidential Administration of Dwight D. Eisenhower. Eisenhower was particularly disturbed by the “radicalized direction” the Cuban government was taking. The President felt as if Cuba was heading in a communist direction. Evidently, Castro’s path towards communism was negatively received by the U.S. in the Cold War era because the predominant policy of the U.S. was based on containment. Containment policy sought to prevent the spread of communism throughout the world. With Castro in power, the U.S. faced the threat of communism ninety miles from Key West. Washington responded to Castro’s Agrarian Reform with an embargo on sugar cane. The Eisenhower Administration hoped for the embargo to cause Castro to reconsider his “radical” reforms. Dedicated to the revolution, Castro continued to implement “radical” changes, despite disapproval from the U.S. government. Keeping up with the traditional American Cold War policy of containment, the U.S. sought to prevent Castro’s revolution from going on any longer. Under the Eisenhower administration, the Central Intelligence Agency began devised a counter-revolutionary program to topple Castro’s regime with a full-scale invasion of the Caribbean island. Although the plan was originally developed during Eisenhower’s time as President, the administration of John F. Kennedy authorized the invasion in 1961. Castro’s army quickly defeated the CIA trained Cuban exiles. The failure of the Bay of Pigs invasion was a massive embarrassment for the Kennedy Administration, and resulted in the complete sever of economic and diplomatic ties between Washington and Havana. The poor state of relations between the two countries, characterized by hostility and mutual mistrust, continued throughout various Presidential administrations. The first U.S. President to attempt to normalize relations with Cuba was President Gerald Ford; however, Cuban intervention in Angola terminated Ford’s efforts. In 1976, Jimmy Carter won the presidency on a campaign based on human rights. Carter’s goal was to incorporate human rights into the U.S’s foreign policy to make for a more open foreign policy. In addition, the Carter administration desired to normalize relations with Cuba, as President Ford did in the previous administration. Carter took advantage of the decrease of Cuban troops in Angola, and after two months in office he directed his administration to take a new approach towards Cuba in Presidential Directive/NSC-6. The Presidential Directive outlined the administration’s goal of reestablishing diplomatic relations between Washington and Havana. Carter felt that this approach would be beneficial to the interest of the U.S. in combatting terrorism, progressing human rights, halting Cuban foreign intervention, receiving compensation for American property lost as a result of Castro’s 1959 agrarian reform, and reducing the relationship between Cuba and the Soviet Union. Attempts at reconciliation appeared to be successful at first. The Carter Administration revoked the U.S.’s ban on travel to Cuba and allowed for American dollars to be spend on the island. The efforts were not one-sided as Castro agreed to release political prisoners held in Cuba. The two countries also “established ‘interest sections’ in each other’s capitals.” Despite these bilateral gestures, improvements in relations were adversely affected when the Cuban government introduced combat troops to Ethiopia in 1978. Relations also were harmed due to Castro’s support of Latin American revolutionary movements. Likewise on the Cuban side, tensions flared as Castro became increasingly enraged with the U.S. after a string of boat and plane hijackings occurred in early 1980. Castro alleged that the Carter administration did little to punish the hijackers, and instead welcomed the offenders as heroes. The boat and plane hijackings that occurred in early 1980 represented the social and economic issues prevalent in Cuba. Many of the Cuban people grew unhappy with the direction of the revolution as they realized it did little to benefit them. As a result of a dialogue in 1978, Castro agreed to allow Cuban-exiles to visit Cuba. Over 100,000 Cuban exiles ventured to Cuba in 1979. Cubans received a glance of how well their American relatives were living in the United States. This, along with the Cuban recession of 1979 to 1980 did not help to alleviate the upset of the Cuban people. The faltering economy also caused employment rates to drop in Cuba. For many Cubans, unemployment lead to desperation and such was the case with Hector Sanyustiz. Sanyustiz, an unemployed bus driver, along with a group of others decided to take action to flee their oppression. On April 1, 1980, Sanyustiz and his group crashed a bus into the gates of the Peruvian Embassy in Havana. In the chaos of the gatecrashing, a guard was fatally wounded by a ricocheting bullet. Additionally, several of the passengers on the bus were shot. In the aftermath of the event, the gatecrashers were escorted to a hospital by the Peruvians and granted asylum. Nonetheless, the combination of an economy in shambles and a decrease in disillusion for the revolution created a push factor for many Cubans, and many turned to desperate measures to escape the island. Between the plane and boat hijackings, and now the gatecrashing incident, Castro’s frustrations mounted. On April 4, 1980 Castro made the decision to remove Cuban guards from the Peruvian Embassy. Over the next few days, the Peruvian Embassy became engorged by Cubans seeking asylum. The numbers were staggering, with almost 11,000 Cubans storming the embassy. The event quickly transformed into a humanitarian crisis, as many refused to leave the embassy as they feared losing the ability to gain asylum. The Cuban government was forced to provide the refugees with food and water. Peru agreed to take in more of the refugees and to grant them asylum. The humanitarian issue caught the attention of U.S. President Jimmy Carter. Carter invoked the emergency provision of the Refugee Act of 1980, and allotted for 3,500 Cubans refugees to be granted asylum into the United States. On April 20, 1980, Castro grew fed up with the dissidents and decided to expel his opposition. The Cuban leader opened the Port of Mariel to those who wished to leave. Exiled Cubans were able to come to Mariel and pick up their relatives. The Mariel boatlift was officially on. Word of the Mariel Harbor’s opening quickly spread to Cuban exiles, particularly those in South Florida. Exiles sailed down to Cuba to collect their relatives. Despite the joyful unification among the exiles and their families, the U.S. government was not met with the same jubilation. The Carter Administration feared that a massive emigration wave could potentially have destroyed the American economy, and so the U.S. began to warn against travel to Cuba to pick up émigrés. Those who came on the Mariel boatlift were not granted asylum status under the Refugee Act of 1980. The act only protected the original 3,500 Cubans from the Peruvian Refugee Crisis. Marielitos, as they came to be known, fell under the status of “illegal aliens” in the United States. The Carter Administration continued to advise skippers against venturing to Cuba; however, the warnings were mostly ignored. Recognizing that many of the refugees were fleeing communist oppression, Carter initiated a new plan. In a speech on May 5, 1980, Carter welcomed the Cubans with “open arms and heart,” and proclaim that the U.S. was to accept Cubans by the “tens of thousands.” The issue with Carter’s speech was that it lacked specifics. Carter did not announce how the U.S. was to accept all the refugees. On May 14, 1980, Carter stated the Administration’s official plan for handling the boatlift: to stop it in favor of a different method. The Carter Administration allowed for Cuban emigration flow to continue into the country; however, immigration had to occur on the administration’s terms. The Carter administration ordered the U.S. Coast Guard to halt boats which carried Cuban émigrés. If the boatlift could not be stopped, it would at least be slowed down. At the time, the boatlift was uncontrolled, and President Carter also believed the “the boatlift was too dangerous.” The U.S. government planned to charter a ship and to initiate an airlift so Cubans could be screened for certain criteria before they came to the U.S. in order for the government to gain control over the Mariel situation. The plan was to occur at Castro’s discretion. Despite the U.S.’s effort to cooperate with Castro, the Cuban President ignored the U.S.’s proposal. Carter’s attempt to get the boatlift under control failed. Castro reacted with anger towards Carter’s attempt to halt the boatlift. The Cuban President criticized the U.S. for its willingness to take boat and plane hijackers, but not to accept Cuban emigrants. Castro highlighted the hypocrisy of the situation. The boatlift continued until Castro cut it off in September 1980, and the flood of emigrants officially ended by October 1980. One of the major reasons as to why Castro decided to close the Port of Mariel has to do with the 1980 Presidential Election. Jimmy Carter was up for re-election and his opponent that year was Ronald Reagan, a Republican. Castro decided to close the Port of Mariel to reduce the harm that the Mariel boatlift had been doing to Carter’s re-election campaign, particularly in the states of Florida and Arkansas, where many Cuban emigrants were detained. Americans were fearful that the Cubans who came on the boatlift may have been criminals. Although Castro did send some criminals to the U.S. on the boatlift, the majority of them were innocent people who desperately wanted to live in the United States. Only two percent of those who came on the Mariel boatlift were actually defined as criminals under U.S. law. Castro was hopeful that U.S-Cuba relations could prosper if President Carter received a second term as President. Although the majority of those who came on the boatlift were regular people, a number of them were criminals.
The situations for criminals who came on the Mariel boatlift was particularly interesting, as many remained stuck in a sort of legal limbo. As mentioned before, Marielitos did not enter the country legally, so they were defined as “illegal aliens.” Illegal aliens lack the protections that a U.S. citizen has. In a normal situation, if an illegal alien commits a crime, they are expelled from the country the immigrated to. Marielitos who committed crimes were in an entirely unique circumstance because the United States was unable to expel them. Castro refused to take back those he pushed into exile. This created a position of legal limbo for many Marielitos, where the Marielitos that did commit crimes were put into prisons with no clue as to whether or not they would be released since no one would take
them. The Mariel boatlift may be seen as a reflection of the poor conditions of Cubans. The flow of Cubans into the U.S. between April and October of 1980 was nothing short of massive as over 125,000 came to the United States. A plethora of push and pull factors propelled the migrants. Certainly, the state of the Cuban economy between 1979 and 1980 was a major push factor for many Cubans, in addition to the realization that Castro’s revolution was not in the best interest of many Cubans. Most importantly, the exodus revealed the difficulties of living under Castro’s regime. The emigrants were pulled to the U.S. when they saw the prosperity of their Cuban exile relatives. Cubans understood what the U.S. had to offer them: a life free from communist oppression.
“The Boat”, narrated by a Mid-western university professor, Alistar MacLeod, is a short story concerning a family and their different perspectives on freedom vs. tradition. The mother pushes the son to embrace more of a traditional lifestyle by taking over the fathers fishing business, while on the other hand the father pushes the son to live more autonomously in an unconstrained manner. “The Boat” focuses on the father and how his personality influences the son’s choice on how to live and how to make decisions that will ultimately affect his life. In Alistair MacLeod’s, “The Boat”, MacLeod suggest that although dreams and desires give people purpose, the nobility of accepting a life of discontentment out weighs the selfishness of following ones own true desires. In the story, the father is obligated to provide for his family as well as to continue the fishing tradition that was inherited from his own father. The mother emphasizes the boat and it’s significance when she consistently asked the father “ How did things go in the boat today” since tradition was paramount to the mother. H...
The 1966 Cuban Adjustment Act grants Cubans a unique place in U.S. Immigration Law and Policy by declaring that all those who arrive in the United States are accepted as political refugees, and are eligible to become legal permanent residents after one year (Marc R.). It was created to offer protection to Cubans escaping oppression from their Communist government. As might be expected, this law is always the debate of Cubans who think about coming to America seeking freedom and a better life. For many Cubans to reach American territory is all a dream, mostly because of the chances of attaining a better economic situation for themselves and their families. A lot of them also pursue to reunite with their families in the United States after many years of separation. Some others are opponents of the Castro regime. Because they don’t have freedom of speech and can see their lives threatened if they speak out against the government, seek for more political freedom and a democratic form of government, in a land of capitalism where there are fewer restrictions and more opportunities.
Fidel Castro entered Havana, Cuba and took his place as Prime Minister in January of 1959, just after the fall of the Batista regime. Within days, many of the Cuban upper class began exiting the island, wary of losing their socioeconomic status and possibly their lives (Leonard 13). Castro’s radical new policies appealed to most of the suppressed lower class seeking change, but the middle sector “became disillusioned with their new leader” and soon comprised the majority of the Cuban refugees in Miami, Florida (Leonard 3). Beginning in December 1960 and ending with the Cuban Missile Crisis in October 1962, over 14,000 of those refugees wou...
This passage defines the character of the narrators’ father as an intelligent man who wants a better life for his children, as well as establishes the narrators’ mothers’ stubbornness and strong opposition to change as key elements of the plot.
Long before our involvement, the Cubans had been leading revolts and revolutions against Spain. The Spanish empire considered Cuba to be its jewel, not only for its beauty but also for its economics. Cuba’s main source of income was from its expansive sugar plantations that greatly contributed to its wealth (more so to the Spanish Empires wealth). Ironically, even due to the high regard to Cuba, it was neglected and oppressed, as the Spanish Empire began its decline in the middle of the nineteenth century. The Empire was falling due to it slowly loosing its control over its territories, closer to the US then to Spain, because of a lack of industrializing. The Spanish would claim ownership, but never contribute back to their land. This opened the door for what is known as the 10-year war and the struggle for Cuban Independence. The United States never got directly involved, but it sympathized greatly with the Cuban’s cause, for ...
The U.S.’s relationship with Cuba has been arduous and stained with mutual suspicion and obstinateness, and the repeated U.S. interventions. The Platt agreement and Castro’s rise to power, served to introduce the years of difficulty to come, while, the embargo the U.S. placed on Cuba, enforced the harsh feelings. The two major events that caused the most problems were the Bays of Pigs and Cuban Missile Crisis.
On August 29th, 2005, Hurricane Katrina, the most expensive hurricane in American history, made landfall in Louisiana with winds of one hundred and twenty-seven miles per hour (“Hurricane Katrina Statistics Fast Facts”). The sheer magnitude of the amount of lives and property lost was enormous, and it was triggered simply by warm ocean waters near the Bahamas ("How Hurricane Katrina Formed"). Nature was indifferent to whether the raging winds and rain would die off in the ocean or wipe out cities; it only follows the rules of physics. A multitude of American authors has attempted to give accounts and interpretations of their encounters with the disinterested machine that is nature. Two authors, Stephen Crane and Henry David Thoreau, had rather contrasting and conflicting interpretations of their own interactions with nature. Crane’s work, “The Open Boat,” is story based on his experience as a survivor
The United States embargo of Cuba has its roots planted in 1960, 53 years ago, when “the United States Congress authorized President Eisenhower to cut off the yearly quota of sugar to be imported from Cuba under the Sugar act of 1948… by 95 percent” (Hass 1998, 37). This was done in response to a growing number of anti-American developments during the height of the cold war, including the “expropriation of United States-owned properties on the island… [and] the Soviet Union [agreeing] to purchase sugar from Cuba and to supply Cuba with crude oil” (Hass 1998, 37). Bad sentiments continued to pile up as Cuba imposed restrictions on the United States Embassy and especially when, after the United States “officially broke off diplomatic ties with Cuba, and travel by United States citizens to Cuba was forbidden ... Castro openly proclaimed his revolution to be ‘socialist’” (Hass 1998, 38). The day after this, the Bay of Pigs invasion occurred, but it failed in its job to topple Castro (Hass 1998, 38). Left with no diplomatic options and a failed military attempt, the United States decided that the only way to end Castro’s socialist regime was to sever all ties, and from 1961 to 1996, a series of acts were passed prohibiting the majority of trade and interaction with Cuba. (Hass 1998, 38).
Just like other immigrating Latino groups, Cubans share the same stereotypes when they are categorized as criminals, violent and others as well as having to face barriers for employment, housing and economics. However, most of the discrimination that Cuban Americans face is due to their ties to their home country. For example, most Cubans are stereotyped as extremists who despise Fidel Castro. The main push factor for Cuban immigrants was the regime of Castro in their home country. In contrast, other Latino immigrants are mainly pushed out of their country because of economic reasons. Therefore, while Cuban immigrants are seen as extremists or anti-Castro activists, most other Latino immigrants are merely seen as immigrants who come to “take jobs”. As mentioned, Cubans are not categorized as immigrants who come to the United States in hopes for a better economic life, they are seen as political refugees who are in search of better political conditions. This is one of the main differences between Cubans and other Latinos, because of this, Cubans are thought to be more prosperous than other Latino groups. However, this is a faulty stereotype because, although some Cuban Americans are better off economically than most other Latino groups, the majority of them still face countless amounts of
Ngai, Mae M., and Jon Gjerde. "A Cuban Flees to the United States, 1979." Major Problems in American Immigration History: Documents and Essays. Boston, MA: Wadsworth, Cengage Learning, 2013. 528-531. Print.
No Bricks and No Temples: Coping with Crisis in “The Open Boat” Stephen Crane’s story “The Open Boat” concerns four people who are trying to reach land after surviving a shipwreck off the Florida coast. During the course of the story, they face dangers that are real physical threats, but they also have to deal with trying to make sense of their situation. The characters in this story cope with their struggles in two ways: individually, they each imagine that Nature, or Fate, or God, is behind their experiences, which allows them to blame some outside force for their struggle, and together, they form a bond of friendship that helps them keep their spirits up. . In “Becoming Interpreters: The Importance of Tone in ‘The Open Boat,’” Gregory Schirmer states that “‘The Open Boat has at its center two quite different views of man: as a helpless and insignificant being adrift in a universe that is wholly indifferent to him and his ambitions, and on the other hand, as part of a brotherhood that binds man to man in the face of that indifferent universe” (222).
On this day 191 years ago John Quincy Adams expressed his prediction for the future of Cuban-American contact. The Cuban wars of independence were only 15 years away from his prediction when he estimated. These independence wars continue to influence Cuba’s cultural and political attitude toward Europe and the United States; This in part due to the externalities involved in the remodeling of social structure in the aftermath of the revolution. The intentions and motives of each faction: rebels, United States government, Spanish government, United States public, and the Cuban public, varied widely to an extend that caused even more concern in the future. Depending on the point of view of an outsider the situation in Cuba seemed to be a continuation of revolution...
Originally a dictator ran Cuba: President Fulgencio Batista, who was an ally to the United States. Cuba during this time enjoyed a healthy urban middle class, and its citizens enjoyed some degree of freedom without a police state. Many other countries seemed a lot more likely to revolt, because economically and developmentally, Cuba seemed stable. However, the United States’ role and control of Cuba’s economy started to take its toll on the “peasants”. In 1953, the United States owned many of the major entities, such as 50% of the railroad. Just as much development as there was in the urban areas there was a lack thereof in the rural areas. Not just economically, Cubans started to resent the image of Sin City that Americans gave the country. Cuba was a popular tourist spot where Americans came to behave badly. Castro’s success came from these opposite sides of distaste for the United States, the peasants economically and the middle class socially & nationally. Castro was not originally a socialist; he was a nationalist first. However when he attacks Moncada Barracks, he is arrested and exiled to Mexico City. During this time his failures are turned into “successes” through propaganda. Castro meets with Che Guevara in Mexico City and when he returns, he purges the military of 483 Batista loyalists and enacts land reforms and nationalizes US
The tropical island of Cuba had been an object of empire for the United States. Before the Missile Crisis, the relationship between Castro and the US were strained by the Bay of Pigs occurrence in 1961. This was where counterrevolutionary Cubans were American funded and tried to invade Cuba and overthrow Castro. However, the counterrevolutionaries failed. Castro then found an alliance with the Soviet Union and an increase of distrust that Castro had on the US. On January 18, 1962, the United States’ Operation Mongoose was learned. The objective would be “to help the Cubans overthrow the Communist regime” so that the US could live in peace. Consequently, Castro informed the Soviet Union that they were worried about a direct invasion on Cuba, thus longed for protection against th...
However, the US played a much larger role in Cuba’s past and present than the building of casinos and the introduction of the first taints of corruption. In the past, even before Batista, Americans were resented by Cubans because the Americans made a lot of Cuba’s decisions. Under Batista, 80% of Cuban imports came from the US, and the US controlled at least 50% of sugar, utilities, phones and railroads. If Cuba was a business in the stock markets, then the US would have been close to owning 50% of its shares. When combined with a long history of US-backed leaders, and US involvement, it is understandable that Cubans begrudged the Americans....