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Implications of the social contract theory
Implications of the social contract theory
Criticism of the social contract theory
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Society and Government: Which is the Cart and Which is the Horse? 1. Political unions rule our lives; religion rules our souls. So long as both exist, a balance must be struck between them. James Madison, in “Federalist Paper Number 10” and “A Memorial and Remonstrance against Religious Assessments,” and Jean-Jacques Rousseau, in The Social Contract, each tries to determine this balance, yet they come to vastly different conclusions. While Madison believes religious freedom is essential, Rousseau cares less for it and instead argues that the government should establish requirements for its citizens’ religious beliefs. Furthermore, not only do they disagree practically on whether to implement religious freedom, but they also disagree theoretically …show more content…
on whether religious freedom is beneficial or detrimental to society. 2.
At first glance, a compelling underlying source for Madison and Rousseau’s disagreement is that Madison places a greater emphasis on the rights of individuals, while Rousseau believes more strongly in benefitting society. Thus, since Madison cares more about the individual, he promotes religious freedom, and since Rousseau cares more about society, he promotes society’s ability to ensure that people’s beliefs fit into society’s best interests. However, a philosophical argument on the relative importance of individual and societal interests does not explain why Madison and Rousseau disagree on whether religious freedom itself is beneficial to societal interests. Instead, a more encompassing source of Madison and Rousseau’s dispute is a fundamental debate over the order in which society and government emerge. Madison thinks society creates government, so laws are beneficial to society and should be enacted if they help stabilize the society that currently exists. Rousseau, meanwhile, believes that government creates society, so laws are beneficial to society and should be enacted if they contribute to the stability of the new society that is being created. The arguments between Madison and Rousseau over whether government has the power to legislate religion and whether religious freedom is beneficial or detrimental to society are a result of Madison and Rousseau’s differing opinions on whether government creates society or society creates …show more content…
government. 3. Both Madison and Rousseau address the power the government should wield over its citizens’ religious practices, but they differ vastly on how that power should be limited. Madison believes that government has no jurisdiction over its citizens’ religious beliefs. When describing the power that society has over its members, Madison says that a person’s duty to a Creator is “precedent both in order of time and degree of obligation” to the laws of society. Therefore, he adds, “Religion is wholly exempt” from any societal mandates (MMR, 22). According to Madison, since people first decide how to worship their god and only then join society, religious affiliation is outside the purview of society’s power. Therefore, the government cannot write laws dictating religious beliefs. 4. Furthermore, even if religious beliefs were within the purview of government legislation, Madison also believes that religious mandates go against society’s best interests. He states that a fair government “will be best supported by protecting every citizen in the enjoyment of his religion” (MMR, 25). Madison here says that the way for government to function properly is to ensure that everyone has an equal right to decide his or her own religion. Moreover, Madison adds that keeping government out of religion protects society from polarization and strife. He claims establishing a government-supported religion would destroy the “moderation and harmony” that religions develop if there is no government religion (MMR 25). To Madison, government control over religion serves to make religion less moderate and more likely to cause conflict. Thus, Madison believes freedom of religion protects not only individual rights, but also societal interests. 5. Rousseau, in contrast, believes both that governmental religious mandates are beneficial to society and that the government should make these mandates. According to Rousseau, while a religion’s specific laws and beliefs are not open to state review, religious dogmas that “relate to morality and to the duties which the one who professes them is bound to fulfill toward others” are subject to government power (R, 102). The government should have influence over religious beliefs that regulate a person’s interactions with society. Therefore, he says, the government should require citizens to subscribe to a “civil religion” that contains certain required “dogmas” (R, 102). If the citizen refuses, the government should “banish” him (R, 102). Thus, Rousseau argues for government-mandated religious beliefs that if not followed result in exclusion from the society. This is in strong opposition to Madison’s assertion that government mandated religious beliefs are both philosophically problematic and counterproductive. 6. The most intuitive explanation for the difference between Madison and Rousseau is that Madison believes individual rights are more important than the overall benefit to society, while Rousseau holds that society’s interests reign supreme. Madison is focused on developing a government that protects these individual interests. He believes that the “first objective” of government is to protect individuals’ diverse capabilities and possessions (MFP, 130-131). Madison, then, gives individuals’ rights his primary focus. Rousseau, in contrast, when explaining how individuals gather to form a society, makes clear that it involves “the total alienation of each associate, together with all of his rights, to the entire community” (R, 24). Rousseau believes that the individual has absolutely no rights, because he forfeits them to the interests of society. Thus while Madison assigns primacy to individuals’ interests, Rousseau put society first. 7. This underlying disagreement, however, does not explain why Madison and Rousseau differ on whether religious freedom is beneficial to society. Belief in the primacy of individual interests does not determine how one views religious freedom’s effect on societal interests. Madison could still consider individuals’ interests more important than society’s and yet hold like Rousseau that religious freedom is actually detrimental to society. Thus, describing Madison and Rousseau’s dispute over religious freedom solely as an argument about choosing between individuals and society is insufficient. 8.
Instead, a more fundamental point of departure between Madison and Rousseau is that Madison believes society creates government, while Rousseau argues that government creates society. In repudiating the government’s ability to regulate religion, Madison describes government as “the creatures and vicegerents of [society]” (MMR, 22). In other words, government is the agent through which society wields its power. Society can only use government if it is antecedent to government. Furthermore, Madison adds that government is instituted to “secure and perpetuate” the “public liberty” (MMR, 25). It is designed to preserve society’s liberty, not to create society. Again, it is impossible to liberate society or keep it free unless society already exists. Thus, according to Madison, society creates government as a tool to accomplish its
interests. 9. Rousseau, in contrast, believes that the creation of government leads to the creation of society. According to Rousseau, each subject first “places his person and all his power under the supreme direction of the general will” (R, 24). The citizens first become subject to decisions by a governmental force—the general will. Rousseau then continues that it is “this act of association” that “produces a moral and collective body” (R, 24). The collective body, society, forms because of the creation of the governmental force. From this reasoning, it is clear that unlike Madison, Rousseau believes that government creates society, not the other way around. 10. Madison’s opinion that society creates government necessarily causes Madison to hold that religious mandates are detrimental to society and therefore should not be made. Since society creates government, the government’s imperative is to preserve the stability of the existing society, not create an alternate one. A detrimental law is one that runs counter to the preservation of the current society’s stability. Accordingly, a state religion is detrimental because it would “slacken the bands of Society” (MMR, 26). In other words, trying to change the religious beliefs of someone who is already a member of society would certainly lead to the destabilization of the current society. Consequently, since religious freedom is vital to societal stability, laws that harm religious freedom should not be made. According to Madison, because society creates government, a law is required to support the current society, and since religious mandates sabotage society, they fail to fulfill this requirement and are outside the government’s purview. 11. In contrast, Rousseau’s belief that government is needed to create a society logically leads him to conclude that a religious test is beneficial to society and that it is the government’s right and responsibility to demand one. To Rousseau, since government creates society, it is required to make laws that ensure the society it is creating will be stable and able to survive. Whether a law is beneficial is determined by how it will serve to help manufacture a stable society. The religious test fits this requirement because it is designed to ensure that the members included in the soon-to-be-made society will be “good citizens” and contribute to the cohesiveness of society (R, 102). Therefore, since the religious test ensures societal stability and the government has the right to make laws that support society, the government has the right to mandate a religious test. As seen here, to Rousseau, the logical result of government’s responsibility to create society is that religious mandates are beneficial to society and within the government’s power. Thus, while Madison looks at religious freedom’s benefit to the existing society and concludes the government may not limit it, Rousseau focuses on religious freedom’s detrimental effect on a new society and concludes government should limit the freedom. 12. The source of Madison and Rousseau’s disagreement over state religion can be traced to a dispute over whether society creates government or government creates society. If society came first, the baseline for governmental laws is avoiding destabilizing society. On the other hand, if government came first, the baseline needs to be ensuring that society can exist at all. While these fundamental disagreements were looked here as they expressed themselves with regards to religious freedom, it is not limited to this domain. In disagreements of personal freedoms in general, Madison will look for laws that preserve society, while Rousseau will need ones that create it from scratch.
Rousseau, however, believed, “the general will by definition is always right and always works to the community’s advantage. True freedom consists of obedience to laws that coincide with the general will.”(72) So in this aspect Rousseau almost goes to the far extreme dictatorship as the way to make a happy society which he shows in saying he, “..rejects entirely the Lockean principle that citizens possess rights independently of and against the state.”(72)
Both philosophers believed political organizations were a natural part of society that was there to instill virtues. Locke believed in the right to private property and that government was needed to create laws that protected these rights. (Text Page 9) They also believed that conflict was a normal part of human nature and that the government was there to solve these conflicts. Madison agreed with these English philosophers that based on human nature, there have to be controls in place to prevent the abuse of government. Based on this belief, he also wrote The Federalist 51 essay. In this writing, he said that man’s interest should be connected to constitutional rights. An excerpt from this essay states:
Compare John Locke, John Stuart Mill, and Jean-Jacques Rousseau. John Locke, John Stuart Mill, and Jean-Jacques Rousseau all dealt with the issue of political freedom within a society. John Locke's “The Second Treatise of Government”, Mill's “On Liberty”, and Rousseau’s “Discourse On The Origins of Inequality” are influential and compelling literary works which, while outlining the conceptual framework of each thinker’s ideal state, present divergent visions of the very nature of man and his freedom. The three have somewhat different views regarding how much freedom man ought to have in political society because they have different views regarding man's basic potential for inherently good or evil behavior, as well as the ends or purpose of political societies. In order to examine how each thinker views man and the freedom he should have in a political society, it is necessary to define freedom or liberty from each philosopher’s perspective.
Thomas Paine begins the first section of the pamphlet distinguishing the differences between society and government. “Society in every state is a blessing, but Government, even in its best state, is but a necessary evil; in its worst state an intolerable one: for when we suffer, or are exposed to the same miseries BY A GOVERNMENT, which we might expect in a country WITHOUT GOVERNMENT, our calamity is heightened by reflecting that we furnish the means by which we suffer.” In other words, Paine is saying that society is everything good of which the people accomplish together and government has its origins in the evil of man and is therefore a necessary evil at best. Paine says that government's main purpose is to protect life, liberty and property, and that a government should be judged to which it accomp...
Locke and Rousseau present themselves as two very distinct thinkers. They both use similar terms, but conceptualize them differently to fulfill very different purposes. As such, one ought not be surprised that the two theorists do not understand liberty in the same way. Locke discusses liberty on an individual scale, with personal freedom being guaranteed by laws and institutions created in civil society. By comparison, Rousseau’s conception portrays liberty as an affair of the entire political community, and is best captured by the notion of self-rule. The distinctions, but also the similarities between Locke and Rousseau’s conceptions can be clarified by examining the role of liberty in each theorist’s proposed state of nature and civil society, the concepts with which each theorist associates liberty, and the means of ensuring and safeguarding liberty that each theorist devises.
To understand the Rousseau stance on claims to why the free republic is doomed we must understand the fundamentals of Rousseau and the Social Contract. Like Locke and Hobbes, the first order of Rousseau’s principles is for the right to an individual’s owns preservation. He does however believe that some are born into slavery. His most famous quote of the book is “Man is born free; and everywhere he is in chains” (Rousseau pg 5). Some men are born as slaves, and others will be put into chains because of the political structures they will establish. He will later develop a method of individuals living free, while giving up some of their rights to...
Rousseau and Locke differ slightly on how the question of sovereignty should be addressed. Rousseau believed that men would essentially destroy themselves due to their "mode of existence"(more explanation of what is meant by "mode of existence"?) (Rousseau 39) and therefore must enter into a government that controls them. However, this control is in the form of direct participation in democracy where people have the ability to address their opinions, and thus sovereignty is in the control of the people. Unlike Rousseau, Locke believed firmly in the fact that government should be split up into a legislative branch and a ruling branch, with the legislative branch being appointed as representatives of the people. He contends that people give up the power of their own rule to enter into a more powerful organization that protects life, liberties, property, and fortunes. The two differ significantlyin that Rousseau wanted a direct or absolute form of democracy controlled by the people, while Locke prefered an elected, representative democr...
While the problems within civil society may differ for these two thinkers it is uncanny how similar their concepts of freedom are, sometimes even working as a logical expansion of one another. Even in their differences they shed light onto new problems and possible solutions, almost working in tandem to create a freer world. Rousseau may not introduce any process to achieve complete freedom but his theorization of the general will laid the groundwork for much of Marx’s work; similarly Marx’s call for revolution not only strengthens his own argument but also Rousseau’s.
The term “civil or social liberties” is one that garners a lot of attention and focus from both Rousseau and Mill, although they tackle the subject from slightly different angles. Rousseau believes that the fundamental problem facing people’s capacity to leave the state of nature and enter a society in which their liberty is protected is the ability to “find a form of association that defends and protects the person and goods of each associate with all the common force, and by means of which each one, uniting with all, nevertheless obeys only himself and remains as free as before” (Rousseau 53). Man is forced to leave the state of nature because their resistance to the obstacles faced is beginning to fail (Rousseau 52). Mill does not delve as far back as Rousseau does and he begins his mission of finding a way to preserve people’s liberty in an organized society by looking to order of the ancient societies of Greece, Rome and England (Mill 5). These societies “consisted of a governing One, or a governing tribe or caste, who derived their authority from inheritance or conquest” (Mill 5). This sort of rule was viewed as necessary by the citizens but was also regarded as very dangerous by Mill as the lives of citizen’s were subject to the whims of the governing power who did not always have the best interests of everyone in mind. Mill proposes that the only time “power can be rightfully exercised over any member of a civilized community, against his will, is to prevent harm to others” (Mill 14) and this is one of the fundamental building blocks of Mill’s conception of liberty. Rousseau, on the other hand, places more importance on the concept of a civic liberty and duty whose virtue comes from the conformity of the particular will with the general will.
First, I outlined my arguments about why being forced to be free is necessary. My arguments supporting Rousseau’s ideas included; generally accepted ideas, government responsibility, and responsibility to the government. Second, I entertained the strongest possible counterargument against forced freedom, which is the idea that the general will contradicts itself by forcing freedom upon those who gain no freedom from the general will. Lastly, I rebutted the counterargument by providing evidence that the general will is always in favor of the common good. In this paper I argued in agreement Rousseau that we can force people to be
Political philosophers Jean-Jacques Rousseau and Karl Marx dreamt up and developed unique theories of total revolution. Although similar in their intention to dissolve dividing institutions such as religion and class structure, as well as their shared reluctance to accept the rather less hopeful conclusions of government and man that had been drawn by their predecessors Thomas Hobbes and John Locke, the blueprints Rousseau and Marx had printed were cited to two very different sources. Rousseau approached the problem of oppression from a political standpoint, focusing on the flawed foundation of liberal individualism that has been continually adopted by democracies. Marx on the other hand took an unconventional route of concentrating on economics. By completely eliminating the economic class system, Marx believed there could be a society of which would transcend the realm of politics. Despite their different approaches, both theories conclude in universal equality, a real equality between humans that has never before been observed in any lasting civilization. While both theories operate on reason and seem to be sound, they remain unproven due to their contingency on various factors of time and place, but mainly on their prerequisite of incorruptibility. Now, while both theories may very well have the odds dramatically stacked against their favor, I believe they must be thoroughly dissected for their content before attempting to condemn them to utopianism.
In The Social Contract philosophers John Locke and Jean-Jacques Rousseau discuss their differences on human beings’ place of freedom in political societies. Locke’s theory is when human beings enter society we tend to give up our natural freedom, whereas Rousseau believes we gain civil freedom when entering society. Even in modern times we must give up our natural freedom in order to enforce protection from those who are immoral and unjust.
...ons on what kind of government should prevail within a society in order for it to function properly. Each dismissed the divine right theory and needed to start from a clean slate. The two authors agree that before men came to govern themselves, they all existed in a state of nature, which lacked society and structure. In addition, the two political philosophers developed differing versions of the social contract. In Hobbes’ system, the people did little more than choose who would have absolute rule over them. This is a system that can only be derived from a place where no system exists at all. It is the lesser of two evils. People under this state have no participation in the decision making process, only to obey what is decided. While not perfect, the Rousseau state allows for the people under the state to participate in the decision making process. Rousseau’s idea of government is more of a utopian idea and not really executable in the real world. Neither state, however, describes what a government or sovereign should expect from its citizens or members, but both agree on the notion that certain freedoms must be surrendered in order to improve the way of life for all humankind.
Rousseau argues that the citizens should be the ones who create the law when living in that particular society. He says “Laws are, properly speaking, only the conditions of civil association. The people, being subject to the laws, ought to be their author: the conditions of the society ought to be regulated solely by those who come together to form it.” Since the law is aimed at the citizens and punishments would oblige if not obeying to the law, it would simply be more accurate if the citizens themselves would create the law to make obedience simpler.
This indicates that the community will only be peaceful when the people are in the state of nature. However, this questions why a government is created if the result will only cause the government to be corrupt. He also believes that there are interest groups that will try to influence the government into supporting what they believe in. Rousseau sees that the people will only be involved in the government is they choose to participate in the voting. He also says that when the people are together as a collective, they work and are viewed differently compared to when they are as individuals. Although Rousseau does understand both Hobbes and Locke’s theories, it makes the audience wonder why he didn’t fully support the theory of leaving people in the state of nature. By doing so, it would allow the people to continue having individual freedom without causing a state of