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Analysis of the populist movement
Analysis of the populist movement
Analysis of the populist movement
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Kevin Deegan-Krause and Tim Haughton in “Toward a More Useful Conceptualization of Populism” underlined important difference between perception of populism as ideology and style. As they noticed there are clear restrains connected with usage of “populism,” and the word should be applied as an adjective not a noun. Deegan-Krause and Haughton claimed, “[u]nderstanding populism as characteristic rather than as an identity allows it to be used in a variety of combinations, a useful shift in light of recent scholarship, which emphasizes that populism can (and perhaps must) ally with other ideological positions.” As they explained, using the term as a noun forces people to decide between two totally distinct states of fact that is if a leader or …show more content…
This way, they argued, it would be possible to disassociate populism from its subjective, negative perception, and use the word in just discursive terms. Thus, allowing for making claims about politics in a very broad manner. In accordance with that statement is Francisco Panizza who argued that adjectival usage of populism aims at merely describing “relatively fluid practices of identification,” not at labeling specific parties or leaders. For Panizza, populism is a certain characteristic of politics as a whole, not a feature of particular people involved in …show more content…
In his books, “Politics and Ideology in Marxist Theory” and “On Populist Reason” Laclau strongly opposed analyzing populism based on its ideological content, thus claiming that only the form really matters. His views, however, are on a much greater philosophical level. Laclau states that the symbolic (and simplistic) division of society into “us” versus “them” creates two antagonistic groups. The “people” have to face what Laclau calls “the dominant ideology,” “the dominant bloc,” “the institutional system,” or “an institutionalized other.” Hence, the demands of populist movement are “unified and stabilized not merely by their opposition to the status quo, but also by the emergence of an empty signifier, a concept or name (“freedom,” “Perón”) that loses its own specificity as it stands in for the other specific demands to which it is seen as equivalent.” Therefore, the opposition between the form and content serves nothing more but as a means of labeling that
Civil disobedience spawns a major and widely debated issue by many who established by well-known intelligent scholars and many examples of civil disobedience become displayed. The acts of civil disobedience can be noted in major works such as Sophocles?s Antigone, King?s ?Letter from Birmingham Jail?, or even from Plato?s ?from Crito?. A specific claim exemplified throughout these works make that civil disobedience races in gaining popularity and should remain allowed, and continued to be seen as a solution to reform poorly established laws. A claim represented is, civil disobedience is right. Rhetorically, appeals such as credibility, logic and emotion can provide support for these claims.
The populist movement occurred in the late 19th century, formed from the Grangers movement where its goal was ta movement for people, to change the economic system where it would benefit farmers. The grange movement rapidly declined in the 1870s and was replaced by the farmer alliances. The farmer alliances were more political rather then social. The farmer’s alliance later formed the populist. The populist movement is considered to be an agrarian revolt by farmers and those concerned with agriculture, because in the gilded age many people were moving to rural areas where banks and industrial systems were superior over agriculture. The high tariffs, decentralization of currency, and decreasing crop prices were hurting the farmers. Founded by James B Weaver and Tom Watson, they wanted the government to have a stronger control over banking and industries. Populism pursued limited coinage of silver and adjusted income tax so the wealthy would be paying more than the poor. They wanted free coinage of silver because this would eventually help the farmers pay off their debts. Parallel, they wanted the government to have control over railroads, telephone and telegraph systems. They wanted to government to be more in control and involved in the economy and most of all, wanted to stop laissez faire. They aimed for a secret ballot and direct election where the president would only hold office for 1 term. Although they won several seats in congress, the Populist Party never won any presidential elections. The Democrats supported much of the Populists goals. Nevertheless, they voted Democrat William Jennings Bryan for the presidency. His goal of unlimited coinage of silver gained the support of the Populist Party uncovered injustice...
When populism was first used in the United States in the late 1800s, it was geared towards the farmers. The focus on farmers showed the interest the Populists had toward working class people, who made up the majority of the nation. Even though there were more working class people than wealthy, it was the wealthy business owners who ruled society. They ran political machines and monopolies and did not provide the best working and living conditions for their employees. William Jennings Bryan said, “There are two ideas of government...those who believe that if you just legislate to make the well-to-do prosperous that their prosperity will leak through on those below. The Democratic idea...if you legislate to make the masses prosperous their prosperity
Public conflict may be triggered by several causes. For one, it may result from the agitation of several groups who believe that what is morally right is violated. Despite the reason behind, agitators seek to challenge the society so that their proposal for social change is accepted. Hence, it is important to understand the reasons why agitators use different strategies to advance their cause and how establishments can control them. For the purposes of this paper, the Boston Tea Party will be analyzed in light of the concept of agitation and establishment. Further, the strategies of the agitators and the establishment will also be provided.
In all the history of America one thing has been made clear, historians can’t agree on much. It is valid seeing as none of them can travel back in time to actually experience the important events and even distinguish what has value and what doesn’t. Therefore all historians must make a leap and interpret the facts as best they can. The populist movement does not escape this paradox. Two views are widely accepted yet vastly different, the views of Richard Hofstadter and Lawrence Goodwyn. They disagree on whether populists were “isolated and paranoid bigots” or “sophisticated, empathetic egalitarians”; whether their leaders were “opportunists who victimized them” or “visionary economic theorists who liberated them”; whether their beliefs were rooted in the free silver campaign of the 1890s or the cooperative movement of the 1880s; and finally whether their ideal society was in the “agrarian past” or “the promise of a cooperative future”. They could not agree on anything, over all Richard Hofstadter seems to have a better idea of the truth of populism.
Political systems and their consequent removals during this time serve as a flashing indicator towards the power that exists in the mobilization of the people. The Declaration of Independence, Constitution of the United States, and the Rights of Man and Citizen, serve as reminders of the revolutionary philosophical and political attitudes belonging to the writers of these revolutionary documents. Even now, the same attitudes of equality and freedom can be seen. Whether it be through movements for racial equality on school campuses, justice for those killed unjustly, or the prevailing ideals of “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness,” for all races and genders, the resounding calls for people to support and affirm their brethren continue to echo (US
Pratt and Clark’s (2005) cultural argument of penal populism ignores the inequalities of New Zealand, in which the structural explanation would stress that inequalities reflects the deep foundational ways of how it shapes the criminal law and the justice system (Workman & McIntosh, 2013). The structural perspective recognizes that New Zealand’s prison population has increased substantially over the last 40 years, simultaneously, so has the inequality between the rich and poor (Workman & McIntosh, 2013). Thus, New Zealand’s punitiveness reflects on the way in which growing inequalities feeds the desire for harsher punishment, and neo-liberalism reflects this relationship (Cavadino & Dignan, 2006). The introduction of the economic system of neo-liberalism in 1984 focused on individualism, little government intervention and social support, which created the gap between the
The People's Party, also known as the "Populists", was a short-lived political party in the United States established in 1891 during the Populist movement. It was most important in 1892-96, and then rapidly faded away. Based among poor, white cotton farmers in the South and hard-pressed wheat farmers in the plain states, it represented a radical crusading form of agrarianism and hostility to banks, railroads, and elites generally. It sometimes formed coalitions with labor unions, and in 1896, the Democrats endorsed their presidential nominee, William Jennings Bryan. The terms "populist" and "populism" are commonly used for anti-elitist appeals in opposition to established interests and mainstream parties. Though the party did not win much of anything it did however shape the United States we know today.
Poulantzas concerned with the formal adequacy of the capitalist type of state, while Miliband with the functional adequacy of the state in a capitalist society. Miliband starts with the social origins of economic and political elites and their current interests, then turned to more fundamental features of existing states in a capitalist society and the constraints on their autonomy. Whereas Poulantzas firstly established the overall institutional framework of capitalist societies, defined the ideal typical capitalist type of state, then explored the typical forms of political class struggle in bourgeois democracies, and ending with an analysis of the relative autonomy of state
After the civil war, especially during the late 1800s, the US industrial economy has been thriving and booming which reflected on the numerous improvements that occurred in transportation through new railroad, in new markets for new invented goods and in the increased farm yield. However, most of this wealth has been captured by the capitalists, they looked down on the working poor class and expected them to submit to them. Also, they had control over the government seeking to maintain a system of monopoly to allow them to grow richer from others. Thus, they were controlling both political and economic conditions of the country.
...y also make clear not only the underlying selfish motives of common people, but also the abilities. In societies all around the world, people are initiating or resisting change as the Romans did. Every citizen has the power and the right to stand up for the causes they believe in; moreover, it is each citizen’s duty to do so. Each individual in the general public is not only a citizen, but also an active part of the government, because people have the responsibility to be the difference that they want to see in humanity, and change can start with just one person.
In conclusion, the notion of individualism and skepticism toward the government is essential in the basis of many important reform movements in the modern society. This includes the need to prioritize one's conscience over the dictates of laws, based on the that principle by Thoreau that we men should be first, and subjects afterwards. People have tan important duty refuse a government that is corrupt, and distance themselves from these unjust institutions.
The simple, but emotional appeal, gets trough to the uneducated and plain animals and, as in all revolutions, the planning begins in euphoria and idealism. No voice is raised to ask relevant question or call for a considered debate.
Since the tea party movement is such a diverse mixture of groups, there is a large spectrum of ideals within it. Regardl...
Across Europe, the revolutionaries of 1848 came from a variety of different social backgrounds and they all held different political beliefs. They could be liberals, republicans, nationalists or socialists and therefore they all wanted different things out of the Revolutions. Each group was also internally divided, with a radical faction and a more moderate one. Initially they all joined forces to overthrow the existing regimes with which they were discontent. However once power was in their hands, they found that ‘Revolutionary Consensus’ was virtually impossible. Their initial victory was “followed by ensuing struggle to implement change”5. The people had taken to the streets not knowing what they would do if they did manage to take power. Now that they had, because of their different individual aims, they found it hard to compromise. This eventually led to a growing split between moderates and radicals, as well as between social classes, particularly in France. The moderates did not want a government based on universal male...