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Analysis of the populist movement
Analysis of the populist movement
Analysis of the populist movement
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Essay Title: How can the rise in populism in Europe and the US be explained, and what are the political and economic consequences likely to be? Recently, support for populism has been rising heavily in the US and in Europe. There are many reasons for the rise of populism and it has resulted in and will continue to result in significant political and economic consequences. However, before we discuss the impacts of populism and how it developed, populism must first be defined. It has various meanings and, therefore, is a contested term. The definition that is used in this essay is a definition invented by political scientist Cas Mudde and presents populism as an ideology that “considers society to be ultimately separated into two homogeneous …show more content…
This could also lead to stricter immigration policies being devised which bring western civilization back to before neoliberalism was implemented. Beauchamp supports this view by stating that poverty in the minds of white Americans is associated with blackness. This explains the political consequence: Voter racism pushes both parties in the United States significantly to the right on economic issues (Beauchamp, 2017; P8). Tannsjo states that there is an obvious problem with the broad use of the term ‘populist’ as there are very little similarities between the ideology of the right-wing and left-wing politicians. This already shows how there is a polarization between the two sides of the political spectrum. Tannjo believes that both the right and left have identified the economic problems such as inequality and unemployment correctly. However, he mentions the likely political conflict between the traditional left-wing and right-wing solutions to these economic problems. There is already polarization, and this speculated political conflict between the two sides is likely to create even more polarization. This supports my view that populism is slowing down the progress of the western civilization. This polarization between the two sides presents a general consequence of populism. The polarization leaves room on the political spectrum for more political dimensions to be born and this shows how people crave for new political dimensions to be created. Archibugi and Cellini believe that the liberal democracies should start to rethink their economic systems and the instruments they can employ in case of severe crises, both at national and international level. They believe it is necessary to re-think the history of the 1930s when liberal democracies managed to survive only when governments introduced major plans of job creation and income support policies (Archibugi &
When populism was first used in the United States in the late 1800s, it was geared towards the farmers. The focus on farmers showed the interest the Populists had toward working class people, who made up the majority of the nation. Even though there were more working class people than wealthy, it was the wealthy business owners who ruled society. They ran political machines and monopolies and did not provide the best working and living conditions for their employees. William Jennings Bryan said, “There are two ideas of government...those who believe that if you just legislate to make the well-to-do prosperous that their prosperity will leak through on those below. The Democratic idea...if you legislate to make the masses prosperous their prosperity
In all the history of America one thing has been made clear, historians can’t agree on much. It is valid seeing as none of them can travel back in time to actually experience the important events and even distinguish what has value and what doesn’t. Therefore all historians must make a leap and interpret the facts as best they can. The populist movement does not escape this paradox. Two views are widely accepted yet vastly different, the views of Richard Hofstadter and Lawrence Goodwyn. They disagree on whether populists were “isolated and paranoid bigots” or “sophisticated, empathetic egalitarians”; whether their leaders were “opportunists who victimized them” or “visionary economic theorists who liberated them”; whether their beliefs were rooted in the free silver campaign of the 1890s or the cooperative movement of the 1880s; and finally whether their ideal society was in the “agrarian past” or “the promise of a cooperative future”. They could not agree on anything, over all Richard Hofstadter seems to have a better idea of the truth of populism.
Because fascism has been practiced in a variety of locations, at differing points in history, with no specific guidelines, every seemingly practical definition of fascism is simply too limiting to serve as a proper definition. Furthermore, to speak of fascism in generalizations prohibits one from truly understanding the completely confused concept. To avoid such generalizations, one must look at fascism as it was found in specific examples. Such examples include, Mussolini’s Italy and Hitler’s Germany. Although these two instances are not all encompassing of the ideology, they exhibit fascism to the greatest proportions. Additionally, these instances allow one to get a vivid and practical notion to what fascism truly is.
Pratt and Clark’s (2005) cultural argument of penal populism ignores the inequalities of New Zealand, in which the structural explanation would stress that inequalities reflects the deep foundational ways of how it shapes the criminal law and the justice system (Workman & McIntosh, 2013). The structural perspective recognizes that New Zealand’s prison population has increased substantially over the last 40 years, simultaneously, so has the inequality between the rich and poor (Workman & McIntosh, 2013). Thus, New Zealand’s punitiveness reflects on the way in which growing inequalities feeds the desire for harsher punishment, and neo-liberalism reflects this relationship (Cavadino & Dignan, 2006). The introduction of the economic system of neo-liberalism in 1984 focused on individualism, little government intervention and social support, which created the gap between the
Political machines were supported by continuing immigration, sustained by patronage, enlarged by wealth, and in the end were weeded out by reformers progress for public rather than private good, and caused by the need for public works and skilled workers, after the population of cities expanded.
It is discussed how the indifference to politics by many citizens of western society and the fact that ideologies are now no longer needed by those in power to enforce their will are two key truths of western politics.
After the civil war, especially during the late 1800s, the US industrial economy has been thriving and booming which reflected on the numerous improvements that occurred in transportation through new railroad, in new markets for new invented goods and in the increased farm yield. However, most of this wealth has been captured by the capitalists, they looked down on the working poor class and expected them to submit to them. Also, they had control over the government seeking to maintain a system of monopoly to allow them to grow richer from others. Thus, they were controlling both political and economic conditions of the country.
There are thousands of years of history that have taken place. History is not like art(less subjective), but there is still plenty of room for speculation, criticism, and debate among historians, professors, as well as average citizens. However, not all these moments are documented, or done successfully specifically. Some of these moments end up becoming movies, books, or even historical fiction novels, but what about those fundamental moments that aren’t readily documented? In the book The Birth of Modern Politics Lynn Hudson Parsons claims that the 1828 election was momentous in the history of both political history, as well as our nation. Parsons not only discusses the behind the scenes of the first public election of 1828, but the pivotal events in Andrew Jackson and John Quincy Adams’ lives leading up to the election as well. Parsons succeeds in proving her thesis that the 1828 election was crucial to American politics as we know it today, as well as provoking evidence from various sources with her own logic and opinions as well.
There is much debate in the United States whether or not there is polarization between our two dominate political parties. Presidential election results have shown that there is a division between the states; a battle between the Democratic blue states and the Republican red states. And what is striking is that the “colors” of these states do not change. Red stays red, and blue stays blue. Chapter 11 of Fault Lines gives differing views of polarization. James Wilson, a political science professor at Pepperdine University in California, suggests that polarization is indeed relevant in modern society and that it will eventually cause the downfall of America. On the contrast, Morris Fiorina, a political science professor at Stanford University, argues that polarization is nothing but a myth, something that Americans should not be concerned with. John Judis, a senior editor at The New Republic, gives insight on a driving force of polarization; the Tea Party Movement. Through this paper I will highlight the chief factors given by Wilson and Judis which contribute to polarization in the United States, and will consider what factors Fiorina may agree with.
The Populist Party, a third political party that originated in America in the latter part of the nineteenth century, derived as a result of farmer discontent and economic distress. This was caused by the country's shift from an agricultural American life to one in which industrialists dominated the nation's development. The public felt as if they were being cheated by these "robber barons," a term given to those who took advantage of the middle and lower classes by "boldly stealing the fruits of their toils" (Morgan, 30). These corporate tycoons' conduct was legal, however ethically dubious it was. Cornelius Vanderbilt, a well-known railroad baron, reportedly once said, "Law! What do I care about the law? Hain't I got the power?" (Morgan, 30) The change from agrarian to industrial had a profound effect on everyone's life. Ignatius Donnelly, a leader in the Populist Party wrote, "We meet in the midst of a nation brought to the verge of moral, political, and material ruin. Corruption dominates the ballot-box, the Legislatures, the Congress, and touches even the ermine of the bench . . . A vast conspiracy against mankind has been organized" (Tindall, 957). As a result of this significant transformation, along with several different perspectives of peoples' mores, several reform movements were commenced, such as prohibition, socialism, and the Greenback Labor Party. Each of these movements was launched by different coalitions in hopes of making a difference either for themselves or for the good of the country. The farmers, specifically, were unhappy for four particular reasons: physical problems, social and intellectual concerns, economic difficulties, and political frustrations. The physical concerns the climate of the time period. Following 1885, there was a large drought on the American prairie, thus causing this land to become known as the "Dust Bowl." Furthermore, there were extreme blizzards resulting in innumerable deaths of cattle and livestock. Also, farms were very isolated causing the women and children to lead a life of solitude and boredom. They demanded change. In fact, the women were the ones to start libraries and other meeting places for themselves and their children. This isolation made schooling for children quite difficult. Most kids who lived on the farm did not receive a proper education, or one of any kind for that matter. Farmers' economic problems are more intricate. Events baffled the farmer. They believed that deflation was the cause of their problem.
An outburst in growth of America’s big city population, places of 100,000 people or more jumped from about 6 million to 14 million between 1880 and 1900, cities had become a world of newcomers (551). America evolved into a land of factories, corporate enterprise, and industrial worker and, the surge in immigration supplied their workers. In the latter half of the 19th century, continued industrialization and urbanization sparked an increasing demand for a larger and cheaper labor force. The country's transformation from a rural agricultural society into an urban industrial nation attracted immigrants worldwide. As free land and free labor disappeared and as capitalists dominated the economy, dramatic social, political, and economic tensions were created. Religion, labor, and race relations were questioned; populist and progressive thoughts were developed; social Darwinism and nativism movements were launched.
John B. Rayner, an African American Populist from Texas, said about his campaign, “You must reach the negro through a negro. This is possible with the People’s Party, but it is impossible with the Democracy…the Negro is a silent spectator.” Texas Populism was a movement that originally was for farmers but quickly became a partnership between poor Anglos and African Americans against the dominant Democratic Party. Populism was an extremely important political movement—one born in Texas and one that did extremely well, at least for a short while, in Texas and across the country. From 1892 to 1900, the Democratic Party symbolically absorbed the Populist opposition through the adoption of key platform issues and then physically absorbed
The most important value of nationalism to democracy lies in the fact that it has the capacity to unite individual citizens into a single entity with shared beliefs. Democracy requires a definition of demos or who are included in the game and who are not (Nodia 6). Wherever the boundaries of the playing field are in dispute, democratic institutions (such as participation, representation, or cooperation) simply cannot function. Thus, for democracy to o...
middle of paper ... ... This comment suggests that the current idea, liberalism, may just be a phase in human ideology that has spread worldwide. Though he made a compelling argument and posed thought provoking questions that supported his argument, the flaws in his argument, after stringent analysis, contradict his main points. Works Cited Ferguson, C. (Director).
Populism had a positive and negative impact on life in the United States. Some of their ideas helped to create some of the laws that we have today. Some people saw that populism could hurt the country and create more problems. When in reality, their goals were to improve theirs and others lives as well by restoring their financial and industrial independence. (Document B)