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The impact of slavery during the period of reconstruction
The impact of slavery during the period of reconstruction
The impact of slavery during the period of reconstruction
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David Roediger’s The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class, provides the answer to the question of why members of the White working class racially distinguished themselves from their Black counterparts in Antebellum America through their “whiteness”. Through new labor history and analysis of the “prehistory” of the White worker, after the American Revolution, continuing to the end of the American Civil War, Roediger argues that this disassociation and racist mindset evolved due to several factors. (21) Throughout his book, Roediger argues that themes of republicanism, socio-economic status, political power, and even ethnicity play large roles in the creation of the working class. These factors are the basis …show more content…
of his thesis which explains that this racism developed as a reflection of the white working-class’ battle to not become slaves themselves. Beginning with the “prehistory” of the worker after the American Revolution, Roediger argues that the American Revolution created a sense of pride among the working class which did not exist prior.
These workers “connected their freedom and their work” which created a gap in status over slaves and even freed slaves as they were considered the “antithesis of republican citizens” because of their inability to defend themselves. (33&36) Roediger quotes Franklin and Jefferson in their written articles which debate this thinking from an artisan point of view, but it was not fully accepted en masse. This mindset expediated the formation of white working-class racism who would continue to separate themselves from Blacks through use of …show more content…
language. Roediger argues that the language the working class used to describe themselves was often to separate themselves from Black slaves. The term ‘hireling’ is used in Francis Scott Key’s ‘The Star-Spangled Banner’ is an example of such language. ‘Hireling’ was of negative connotation at the time and other terms such as ‘white worker’ or ‘free laborer’ would soon replace it. It is important to note that Key included that word as a descriptor before the term was replaced. Eventually ‘master’ would be replaced by ‘boss’ as to further distance Whites from Black slavery. Even racial language changed during this time as the White working-class advanced, the Blacks were forced to stay behind. This caused the re-defining of race descriptors such as ‘coon’ which were originally “typically white” rural workers, to be a term used for Blacks. (98) A term which was even used by famous author Herman Melville who would ambiguously describe characters as ‘coon’ in works such as Moby Dick which helped it spread. A major form of separation was entertainment and the use of entertainment to mock Blacks.
A popular form, in the-mid 19th century, was Minstrel theater. Through Minstrel theater, White working-class actors produced shows and variety acts in blackface which allowed to “displace white anxieties within the white population onto Blacks.” (100) During these acts, the focus was on Blacks, but White ethnicities such as the Irish and the Germans were slandered as well. Roediger establishes that the Irish “were not considered white” and had to establish themselves as White. (133) In order to do so, the Irish became anti-Black, which dumbfounded abolitionist Frederick Douglass because the Irish are “so relentlessly persecuted and oppressed on account of race and religion.” (137) Although counter-intuitive, the need to be integrated with ‘Whiteness’ took precedent, as it had with other members of the working-class and the only possible route to that was to be
anti-Black. Roediger’s contribution to the historiography of new labor history is answering why the White working-class developed racism, not that it was inherited as many of his fellow new labor historians would argue. Roediger effectively conveys his argument through extremely detailed and well supported claims using American culture and language from sources such as newspapers, folk songs, magazines, articles and more. As a Marxist, his arguments seem to be skewed towards that mindset and he leaves out some important aspects such as other White European ethnicities, such as Slavs, Jews, Russians etc. and how they had to endure racism from the Anglo-Saxon nativists.
Hahn discusses both the well-known struggle against white supremacy and the less examined conflicts within the black community. He tells of the remarkable rise of Southern blacks to local and state power and the white campaign to restore their version of racial order, disenfranchise blacks, and exclude them from politics. Blacks built many political and social structures to pursue their political goals, including organizations such as Union Leagues, the Colored Farmers’ Alliance, chapters of the Republican Party, and emigration organizations. Hahn used this part of the book to successfully recover the importance of black political action shaping their own history.
* Raised on a cotton farm in Dyess, Arkansas, Cash articulated a racialized class divide not simply among whites and African Americans, but among whites, themselves. Cash belonged to a growing class of impoverished white farmers increasingly referred to by his contemporaries as "white trash," and recast by historian Neil Foley as "The White Scourge. " In his book of the same title, Foley analyzes the impact of class and race consciousness on white tenants and sharecroppers in central Texas as they competed for farm labor with both African Americans and Mexicans from 1820 to 1940. Foley asserts, "The emergence of a rural class of 'white trash' made whites conscious of themselves as a racial group and fearful that if they fell to the bottom, they would lose the racial privileges that came with being accepted for what they were not-black, Mexican, or foreign born. "
As an unabridged version of his other book, Eric Foner sets out to accomplish four main goals in A Short History of Reconstruction. These points enable the author to provide a smaller, but not neglectful, account of the United States during Reconstruction. By exploring the essence of the black experience, examining the ways in which Southern society evolved, the development of racial attitudes and race relations, and the complexities of race and class in the postwar South, as well as the emergence during the Civil War and Reconstruction of a national state possessing vastly expanded authority and a new set of purposes, Foner creates a narrative that encompasses some of the major issues during Reconstruction. Additionally, the author provides
“Black Awakening in Capitalist America”, Robert Allen’s critical analysis of the structure of the U.S.’s capitalist system, and his views of the manner in which it exploits and feeds on the cultures, societies, and economies of less influential peoples to satiate its ever growing series of needs and base desires. From a rhetorical analysis perspective, Allen describes and supports the evidence he sees for the theory of neocolonialism, and what he sees as the black people’s place within an imperial society where the power of white influence reigns supreme. Placing the gains and losses of the black people under his magnifying glass, Allen describes how he sees the ongoing condition of black people as an inevitable occurrence in the spinning cogs of the capitalist machine.
Throughout the course of history, nations have invested time and manpower into the colonizing and modernizing of more rural governments. Imperialism has spread across the globe, from the British East India Company to France’s occupation of Northern Africa. After their founding in 1776, the United States of America largely stayed out of this trend until The Spanish-American War of 1898. Following the war, the annexation and colonization of Guam, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines ultimately set a precedent for a foreign policy of U.S. imperialism.
The author skirts around the central issue of racism by calling it a “class struggle” within the white population of Boston during the 1960s and 1970s. Formisano discuses the phenomenon known as “white flight”, where great numbers of white families left the cities for the suburbs. This was not only for a better lifestyle, but a way to distance themselves from the African Americans, who settled in northern urban areas following the second Great Migration.
Blacks were driven out of skilled trades and were excluded from many factories. Racist’s whites used high rents and there was enormous pressure to exclude blacks from areas inhabited by whites.... ... middle of paper ... ...
Black and white abolitionists shared common assumptions about the evil of slavery, the "virtue of moral reform", and the certainty of human progress"(1). Schor, Garnet,1877, & Lanngston, 1989). This shared understanding provided "the basic for the interracial solidarity" and cooperation so vital in the crusade against slavery"(2). (Schor and Garnet, 1877). But blacks also brought a distinct perspective to the antislavery movement. Their abolitionism was shaped profoundly by their personal experience and racial oppression. Unlike most white abolitionists, they conceived of antidlavery as an all-encompassion struggle for racial equality, and they took a more pragramatic, less doctrinaire approach to antislavery tactics. The contrast between the two abolitionists -- black and white -- become increasingly apparent in the 1840s and 1850s as black expressed a growing militancy, asserted greater independence, and called for racially exclusive organization and initiatives.
In society today, race can be viewed in a variety of ways, depending on the manner in which one was raised, as well as many other contributing factors. These views are often very conflicting, and as a result, lead to disagreement and controversy amongst groups. Throughout history, many communities have seen such problems arise over time, thus having a profound impact that can change society in both positive and negative ways. Such a concept is a common method through which Charles W. Mills explain his theories and beliefs in his written work, The Racial Contract. In this particular text, Mills explores numerous concepts regarding race, how it is viewed by different people, and the sense of hierarchy that has formed because of it. Nevertheless, when certain scholars think about and discuss race in society, they often take different approaches than those by Mills mentioned prior. HowevSimier, regardless of the different approaches that may be taken, often times a common idea can be found amongst them, which further ties in The Racial Contract. For example, the text “Racial Formation in the United States” by Michael Omi and Howard Winant, as well as “The Lincoln-Douglass Debates” can both be found to have a correlation regarding race within Mill’s work.
White Trash: The 400-Year Untold History of Class in America serves as an uncompromising and expansive attack on mythmaking in American culture. The author, Nancy Isenberg, a professor of history at Louisiana State University, retraces a story that serves as a bracing reminder of the persistent contempt for the white underclass. Isenberg (2016) states that, “if slavery is America’s original sin, maybe class is it’s hidden one.” This book is a historical look at the white poor, which have been with America in various pretenses over the last 400 years.
Over the course of approximately one-hundred years there has been a discernible metamorphosis within the realm of African-American cinema. African-Americans have overcome the heavy weight of oppression in forms such as of politics, citizenship and most importantly equal human rights. One of the most evident forms that were withheld from African-Americans came in the structure of the performing arts; specifically film. The common population did not allow blacks to drink from the same water fountain let alone share the same television waves or stage. But over time the strength of the expectant black actors and actresses overwhelmed the majority force to stop blacks from appearing on film. For the longest time the performing arts were the only way for African-Americans to express the deep pain that the white population placed in front of them. Singing, dancing and acting took many African-Americans to a place that no oppressor could reach; considering the exploitation of their character during the 1930's-1960's acting' was an essential technique to African American survival.
Freedom was knowledge, education and family, but “The root of oppression decided as a “tangle of pathology” created by the absence of male authority among Black people” (Davis, 15). Therefore, they enjoyed “as much autonomy as they could seize, slave men and women manifested irrepressible talent in humanizing an environment designed to convert them into a herd of subhuman labor units” (Davis). Instead of being the head of the “household”, he and the women treated each other as an equal. This thought would soon become a historical turning point that initiated the fight for gender
The fight for equal working rights can be tracked back to the time of reconstruction with the institution of sharecropping. Sharecropping is a type of farm tenancy that developed after the Civil War in which landless workers farmed land in exchange for farm supplies and a share of the crop (Foner A-63). This system seemed like a decent thing to many blacks because now they could own their own land and work without supervision. Not all aspects of sharecropping were good though, blacks had to provide clothing, medicine and pay for medical bills all on their own. Also the working conditions were not the greatest. Blacks were expected to labor ten hours a day on average in the winter and summer and any time that was lost would be at the cost of one dollar per day (“A Sharecropping” 12). This was just the beginning of harsh working conditions and low wages which would continue to be a concern for workers throughout the years.
In the “White Man’s Burden”, Rudyard Kipling claims that it is the duty or burden of the white men to civilize the non-whites, to educate them and to religiously lift them (lecture notes, 2/8). Kipling is specifically talking about the colonized non-whites (lecture notes, 2/8). The idea that the newly colonized non-whites were lacking and needing help from a greater society was common among American whites at this time (lecture notes, 2/8). Rudyard uses the whites’ public feelings towards the issue and writes “The White Man’s Burden” in an attempt to move the whites to help the non-whites because he thinks it is a very beneficial movement for the U.S.
Although the concept is off-limits and offensive in culture today, he defends this significant part of American history throughout his book. The impression given to us of the White Negro by Mailer can help us look at it as a form of blackface that has found its was in American society. Although artists like Al Bernard and Bert Williams were performers of physical blackface on stage in the 20th century, the hipster has shown to become a form of non-physical blackface. A type of blackface that isn’t ridiculed or criticized by society, but accepted or sometimes even ignored as a grand section of American Popular