Sitting at a desk, here on treaty six land, in the Garneau district, I am compelled to imagine what this space felt like before the university — an emblem of colonialism — existed. While sitting in this space, I read the words of David Garneau (and contemplate the associations between his name and the district in which I sit), who writes about rethinking the Truth and Reconciliation Act (TRC) using a piece of art he created, which functions as a space, a metaphorical space, in which he can convey and represent the thoughts, words, and bodies of people within an Indigenous peoples council gathering. Garneau continues to explain how "colonial attitudes, including its academic branch" seek to "traverse, to know, to own, and to exploit" (29) all spaces as though space, whether it is abstract or territorial, is a product, an article, or …show more content…
"something that can be recorded or otherwise saved" (29). His description conjures the notion of Orientalism. Granted, Garneau is referring to the colonial movement through North America and is therefore speaking about First Nations, Métis, and Inuit peoples (FMI), still he sets the tone for his rationale by noting an exploitation not just of the land by the colonial settlers, but also of the people and their sacred spaces and beings (e.g. a median bag).
What is more, Garneau structures his deductive discussion in a way that moves his reader from abstract ideas (his art) to tangible suggestion for healing the traumas inflicted on First Nations people in residential school. He suggests that the space of healing is bridged by means of "conciliation," rather than "reconciliation" (35), in the form of readdressing the past though art and oral communication. Garneau's pragmatic approach to addressing the travesties of residential school and the colonialist takeover of land and culture loops back to his introduction, where he devises a space within his paper that embodies Indigeneity; it feels as though his paper is being spoken directly to an audience, which makes sense, given the history of oral communication within First nations cultures. As an example of this direct address, he uses the word "folks" frequently throughout his argument to refer to FMI peoples, which creates a sense of conversation. Finally, Garneau underpins his argument by analysing the ways in which cultural spaces are encountered, in the best-case scenario, if one is looking through a colonialist
lens. First, he explains the historical perspective in which sacred objects are essentially remembered, and second, he speaks to the idea of sacred spaces and cultural objects being scrutinized and looked at as if they are specimens (32). This argument in not only the crux of Garneau's piece but also the most poignant element of his article. Not only does Garneau recognize the vulnerabilities of the TRC as a space to view the past under a microscope, he also points out that to understand Indigenous space, non-Indigenous people "must learn and share as equals" rather than try to translate, comprehend, and empathize.
The Oka Uprising was initially a peaceful protest over the expansion of a golf course on Mohawk territory that turned violent after Quebec’s provincial police, the Sûreté du Québec, responded to the protest with tear gas and flash-bang grenades, eventually escalating to a gun battle between protesters and police. Years after the stand-off, revisionist military historians have praised the Canadian military for avoiding bloodshed because of their “personal commitment [and] calm and attentive approach to native reality,” in which they ought to be commended for “carrying the burden of peace” (Conradi 548). However, Robinson rejects this notion and instead proposes a re-imagining of the Oka conflict through the “adjustment” of First Nations people who fought at Oka with the “bombing of the last Canadian reserve” (Robinson 211). Through “carrying the burden of peace” the Officers are given the power to destroy any semblance of Indigenous tradition, such as the potlatch, and to violently corral all First Nations people to sectioned off “Urban Reserves”. By disrupting popular Canadian perception of law enforcement Robinson succeeds in creating a dystopian image of corrupted power that allows readers to sympathize with the subjection of First Nations people of
Observing this, I will look at how race is socially produced and the persistence of colonial oppression throughout history. Then, I will look at this resonates with the concept of racialization and belonging. Finally, I will analyse Tuyen’s lubaio as a space where the city of Toronto becomes witness to a site of resistance. In conclusion, I suggest that Tuyen’s lubaio does in fact represent racialization and resistance, yet whether or not I could be effectively interpreted in its intended way through the colonial gaze is ultimately questionable.
The Royal Alberta Museum holds a sacred object of the First Nations groups of Alberta and Saskatchewan, the Manitou Stone. This sacred object has a vast history to the Aboriginals but also has much controversy that surrounds it. Hundreds of years ago the object was removed from its original spot and was moved back and forth across the Canada, eventually ending up in Edmonton at the Royal Alberta Museum. This sacred object was said to have many powers for the First Nations people and when it was taken it brought great hardship to the First Nations groups that believed in the power of the Manitou Stone. This is only the beginning of the issues that surround this sacred object. Many different Aboriginal groups claim to own the piece but no decision has been made as to where the object should be placed. With the Manitou Stone now in the Royal Alberta Museum issues arise about the proper housing of the item and whether or not it should be retained in a museum or if it should be on First Nations land. Where the Manitou Stone is placed brings many complications and struggles for the Aboriginal people that claim ownership of the sacred object. When researching this object I was initially unaware of the significance that a museum could have to groups of people and the struggles that this could bring to these groups. This paper will explore the significance of the stone, the various viewpoints on why the object was moved originally from Iron Creek, who claims ownership to the object, and whether or not a museum is the proper place for sacred objects like the Manitou Stone to be kept.
Glen Coulthard’s “Resentment and Indigenous Politics” discusses the politics of recognition that are currently utilized within Canada’s current framework of rectifying its colonial relationship with Indigenous peoples. Coulthard continues a discussion on reconciliation between Indigenous peoples and the state that recognizes the three main methods of reconciliation: the diversity of individual and collective practices to re-establish a positive self relation, the act of restoring damaged social and political relationships and the process in which things are brought to agreement and made consistent.
This article study will define the important aspects of space and racial identity that are defined through Canadian Constitutional law in “When Place Becomes Race” by Sherene H. Razack. Razack (2002) the historical premise of a “white settler society” as the foundation for spatial hierarchies in the Canadian society, which reflect a racial divide in the community. The white settler society was based on the Anti-Terrorism Act, within Canadian law, which reflects the post-9/11 culture of the Canadian government that has become racialized in the early portion of the 21st century. Razack utilizes the important method of “unmapping” to reconstruct the racial histories that
Residential schools had a negative impact on Aboriginal people, many children suffered greatly. The government had thought Aboriginal people’s history and culture were not worth preserving.This resulted to loss of culture and assimilation, because they were stripped out of their traditional ways, and taken away from their families.Stephen Harper apologized to the former students enrolled in Indian Residential schools on behalf of the government of Canada. What
As a scholar invested in the progression of the field of Native American material cultural studies, I consistently recondition my understanding of both epistemology and the appropriate ways to approach cultural circumstances of the so-called “Other” through personal encounters and the shared experiences of my contemporaries. My own ethical position is forever fluid, negotiated by both Native and non-Native sources as I attempt to find ground in what exactly I intend to do (outside of an occupation) with the knowledge I accumulate. Perhaps the most vulnerable facet of existence in the world of academia is the ease that comes in the failure to compromise one’s own advancement for the well-being of those being studied. Barre Toelken is an encouraging exception to this conundrum, considering his explicit analysis of both Navajo and Western ethics in the case of the Hugh Yellowman tapes. His essay argues for an approach that surrenders the fieldworker’s hypothetical gain to the socio-emotional needs of subjects’ epistemological structure and, most intriguingly, he treats ethnographic materials as praxis rather than data. After years of apprehension with the objectifying habits of cultural anthropology, a discipline internally dithered by the bickering of Science vs. Humanities, I am finally moved to disengage from such authoritatively based methods altogether as a result of Toelken’s example.
During the 19th century the Canadian government established residential schools under the claim that Aboriginal culture is hindering them from becoming functional members of society. It was stated that the children will have a better chance of success once they have been Christianised and assimilated into the mainstream Canadian culture. (CBC, 2014) In the film Education as We See It, some Aboriginals were interviewed about their own experiences in residential schools. When examining the general topic of the film, conflict theory is the best paradigm that will assist in understanding the social implications of residential schools. The film can also be illustrated by many sociological concepts such as agents of socialization, class inequality, and language as a cultural realm.
The Indian Act no longer remains an undisputable aspect of the Aboriginal landscape in Canada. For years, this federal legislation (that was both controversial and invasive) governed practically all of the aspects of Aboriginal life, starting with the nature of band governance and land tenure. Most importantly, the Indian act defines qualifications of being a “status Indian,” and has been the source of Aboriginal hatred, due to the government attempting to control Aboriginals’ identities and status. This historical importance of this legislation is now being steadily forgotten. Politically speaking, Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal critics of the Indian act often have insufferable opinions of the limits of the Indian Act’s governance, and often argue to have this administrative device completely exterminated. Simultaneously, recent modern land claim settlements bypass the authority of the Indian Act over specific groups.
The Indian Residential schools and the assimilating of First Nations people are more than a dark spot in Canada’s history. It was a time of racist leaders, bigoted white men who saw no point in working towards a lasting relationship with ingenious people. Recognition of these past mistakes, denunciation, and prevention steps must be taking intensively. They must be held to the same standard that we hold our current government to today. Without that standard, there is no moving forward. There is no bright future for Canada if we allow these injustices to be swept aside, leaving room for similar mistakes to be made again. We must apply our standards whatever century it was, is, or will be to rebuild trust between peoples, to never allow the abuse to be repeated, and to become the great nation we dream ourselves to be,
LaDuke, Winona. All Our Relations: Native Struggles for Land and Life. Cambridge, MA: South End Press, 1999. Print.
The creation of the Residential Schools is now looked upon to be a regretful part of Canada’s past. The objective: to assimilate and to isolate First Nations and Aboriginal children so that they could be educated and integrated into Canadian society. However, under the image of morality, present day society views this assimilation as a deliberate form of cultural genocide. From the first school built in 1830 to the last one closed in 1996, Residential Schools were mandatory for First Nations or Aboriginal children and it was illegal for such children to attend any other educational institution. If there was any disobedience on the part of the parents, there would be monetary fines or in the worst case scenario, trouble with Indian Affairs.
Created in 1876, the Indian Act reveals the complete opposite of a valued cultural mosaic, and exposes the initial desire of the Canadian government to overtly oppress the Aboriginals through cultural imperialism (Brown & Hannis, 2012). With the attempted “domination of one culture over another by a deliberate policy” the Aboriginal people suffered through many years of legalized racism, within many secondary structures of society; to this day many individuals still brand the Aboriginal community as “the Indian problem”, a defamatory statement originated from Duncan Campbell Scott (n.a., n.d.). As a deputy superintendent of the Department of Indian Affairs, Scott, publicly denouncing an entire race, consequently and drastically impacted the lives of generations of Aboriginal people. The implementation of residential schools “ripped [children] from their families and sent [them off] to boarding schools, where many were abused as part of official government policy to "kill...
Although I am a born and raised Montrealer, I did not choose to address the Indigenous community of the metropolis. The territory that was chosen for this essay is the Nitaskinan, a gigantic Atikamekw ancestral territory. This land has a special meaning to me, as I work in a summer camp called Minogami, located right next to the
Momaday forces upon the reader the idea of language as a remedy for sickness; not only of the mind, but of the heart, also. If a speaker can reach a listener and show the listener what she means, then that is the most honorable achievement. Momaday wants the reader to know the importance of word weaving, of weaving the words to form a beautiful picture that can heal souls if spoken correctly. Momaday believes that the Native Americans who never bothered to learn to read and write, those who depend on their words, are those whose words are most powerful. The love for words, spoken with passion, makes them take on a three-dimensional quality. The words become the images and show a listener instead of telling, making the moment an experience instead of just a moment. The listener can feel what the speaker is trying to say; there is no need for interpretation, everything is already understood. Momaday convinces the reader that the spoken language goes beyond what words are being said; the words become their meaning, transcend into complete understanding and clarity. The experience should be remembered as one of self-revelation and understanding, not a moment filled with monotonous words. Momaday does not think it should be about memorizing the words for intellect, but about seeing the image they create. He wants the reader to know how important the woven web of words is so that the reader is able to understand how Native American tradition has lasted so long without words being written; that it is not the remembrance of words, but the remembranc...