The idea that America is a superior nation has been perpetuated in the minds of Americans and their political leaders since becoming a nation. The foreign policy that America has had since its inception contains the idea of American exceptionalism. This paper will focus on the ways in which American policy makers during the first few Presidential terms would have made the argument for American exceptionalism in regards to foreign strategy. To substantiate this argument this paper will utilize information from George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, and the book Crucible of Power. This paper will also address the counterargument that could be made, which is that the United States was acting like every other nation in regards to its foreign policy. To support this counterargument evidence from Crucible of Power and other various sources will be utilizied. …show more content…
George Washington, who was the first President of the United States, would have made the argument for American exceptionalism in regards to foreign policy by stating that America practiced neutrality regarding the war involving France in the late 18th century.
During this time France was experiencing a power struggle between the nobility class and citizens of lower class in France. Many countries in the world were taking sides. The United States did not take a side. Even though America had a treaty with France from 1778, and it stated we were to take their side. In Washington seventh address of the union, he mentioned the fact the United States did not take a side. Washington in this address also stated that countries in Europe were going through turmoil, while the United States was experiencing tranquility. Clearly, Washington believes that America is thriving because we took a position of neutrality when it came to picking sides. So the argument for American exceptionalism is that we decided to stay out of the battle and focus on our country made us better than everyone else in
world. Another way Washington could have made the argument for America being exceptional in foreign policy was the way in which the United States treated the Native Americans. This could be supported by what Washington alluded in his seventh State of the Union address when he discussed the treaties between the US and the Native Americans. In the Union address, Washington stated that those individuals that murdered innocent Native Americans should be brought to justice. Washington believed that this needed to happen because if it did not, innocent people would be killed by the Native Americans for revenge . Washington could then make the argument that the United States attempts to give justice to everyone no matter if they are not a citizen of the United States. So in this aspect America is exceptional because it tries to make sure that everyone is treated fairly, no matter their allegiance. Thomas Jefferson was another policy maker during this time and held a similar perspective to Washington in regards to American being exceptional regards foreign policy. Jefferson could agree that instead of us fighting over land with another country, we chose to negotiate amicably for land. An example of this would be when Jefferson had delegates negotiate with France regarding the Louisiana Purchase. The Louisiana Purchase allowed for America to gain more land for it citizens. Thomas Jefferson in his second inaugural address stated the fact that it would be better for its own citizens to reside in that part of the country, as opposed foreign citizens. His argument was that this would be more practical because there would fewer problems. Jefferson could then make the argument that American makes deals with other countries A policy maker who would not agree with the idea that American is superior at foreign policy was Benjamin Franklin. Benjamin Franklin was considered to be one of the most brilliant policy makers in America history. When the Constitution was completed he stated to the President that “I confess that I do not entirely approve of this Constitution at present, but Sir, I am not sure I shall never approve it: For having lived long, I have experienced many Instances of being obliged, by better Information or fuller Consideration, to change Opinions even on important Subjects, which I once thought right, but found to be otherwise. Benjamin Franklin said this about the Constitution which is the document in which America based most of its foreign policy on. The Constitution is not perfect so there is no way that the decisions made from it can be perfect. Franklin would argue that a decision made regarding foreign policy could seem right at the time but as information becomes more available the decision seems wrong. Franklin would also argue that our foreign policy is not superior because we take some of our foreign policy ideas from other countries, so how then can we compare ourselves with other countries and consider ourselves as being superior. A policy maker who would make the argument that America was not superior in regards to it foreign policy would be Charles Maurice Talleyrand. Talleyrand was the foreign minister for France during Napoleon Bonaparte rules. In the late 18th century France began to seize American ships that were carrying France enemy’s goods. To stop this from happening Adams sent several delegates to negotiate with France. When the delegates did arrive Talleyrand had sent his subordinates to negotiate. Talleyrand wanted the United States to make several concessions including giving him a bribe of 250,000. The delegates refused to do this and meet the other demands. Talleyrand clearly saw America as a weak country who would cower to the demands of France because they had no other choose but to. Talleyrand would also argue that the United States is not superior because at the time the U.S lacked a military capable of stopping France from taking the cargo ships. An additional policy maker who would not see America as being superior is King George III. King George III would argue that yes America was able to gain independence but America was still dependent on Britain for a lot of things. George would use The Jay Treaty as an example of this. In 1794 George Washington sent John Jay the future Supreme Court Justice to work out a deal with Britain. The United States wanted several things from Britain. They ended up getting only a couple of their demands meet. Even before the delegated reached Britain the foreign minister of Britain had received a list of the demands that the United States were going to ask for. King George thus could argue that America was not able to negotiate well and that Britain was aware of the fact that most of the America’s imports came from Britain. America therefore was under the control of Britain. George would also point out the fact the many Americans were upset about with the Treaty America had signed with Britain and that the treaty barely passed the vote in Congress. It has demonstrated by the previous pages the ways in which American policy makers could argue for American exceptionalism and it has been illustrated the ways in which their contemporaries could have made the argument against this.
In the book, America’s Great War: World War I and the American Experience, Robert H. Zieger discusses the events between 1914 through 1920 forever defined the United States in the Twentieth Century. When conflict broke out in Europe in 1914, the President, Woodrow Wilson, along with the American people wished to remain neutral. In the beginning of the Twentieth Century United States politics was still based on the “isolationism” ideals of the previous century. The United States did not wish to be involved in European politics or world matters. The U.S. goal was to expand trade and commerce throughout the world and protect the borders of North America.
At this time, Americans were following the French Revolution very closely, but France’s declaration of war on Great Britain hadn’t greatly affected American politics, yet. This changed in 1972, when none other than Edmond Charles Genêt was chosen to serve as the new French envoy to the United States. When he arrived, French supporters went crazy. Genêt saw this and decided to use his new popularity and influence to act on his radical beliefs. He attempted to gather troops to launch an attack on Spanish Florida and pay fleets of privateers to cripple British commerce. These actions violated Washington’s promise to remain "friendly and impartial toward the belligerent powers" which was the basis of his Neutrality Proclamation. Washington devised this treaty, which excluded the United States from the French Revolutionary Wars because America was still relatively young and unprepared for involvement in such international conflict.
As the United States developed into a world economic power, it also became a military and political power. Certain things led Americans to become more involved in world affairs, such as territorial growth. There were also consequences to the nation’s new role, like conflict between citizens and people of power. United States government and leaders had to learn the “hard way”, the challenges and negativity that they would face, such as loss of money and lack of control between certain nations, and the positive effects such as expansion of territory and alliances.
It is somehow strange for today’s reader to find out that the situation with America’s foreign affairs hasn’t changed much. As some clever people have said, “The History book on the shelf is always repeating itself.” Even after nineteen years, Americans think of themselves as citizens of the strongest nation in the world. Even after the September the 11th. Even after Iraq. And Afghanistan.
98-176. 5 Robert H. Ferrell, America as a World Power, 1872-1945, (New York: Harper & Row Publishers Inc., 1971), p. 265. 6 Arthur Meier Schlesinger, p. 46. 7 Hamilton Fish, FDR: The Other Side of the Coin, (New York: Vantage Press 1976), pp.
France chose of deciding to side with america was a part of the outcome. Although they had doubts if they would win, having some type of loyalty made a big difference in the outcome. France did not just only helped by providing soldiers but also ideas in how to attack and when to attack. During the American Revolution many battles were fought that created changes in America but only one battle lead to America’s independence that battle was “The Battle of
An explanation is a set of statements constructed to describe a set of facts which clarifies the causes, contexts, and consequences of those facts. This description may establish rules or laws, and may clarify the existing ones in relation to any objects, or phenomena examined. The first piece Bush Remarks Roil Debate over Teaching of Evolution written by Elizabeth Bumiller, is an explanation. Bumiller addresses her points using facts rather than opinions, she also says, “Recalling his days as Texas governor, Mr. Bush said in the interview, according to a transcript, “I felt like both sides ought to be properly taught.”(2), this signifies that this is an explanation and not an argument since he sees both sides instead of choosing one. For
Stretching from the colonial times to the present times, the people of the United States have consistently believed that their country had a particular purpose in history due to its unique constitution and founding history of the nation. Alexis De Tocqueville, a French historian of the 19th century, wrote in his book Democracy in America that “the position of the Americans is therefore quite exceptional, and it may be believed that no democratic people will ever be placed in a similar one.” He wrote this following his explanation on how America has departed significantly from its European ancestry, diverging into a unique and unprecedented path. It is believed that he had first initiated the term today known as ‘American exceptionalism’, which
It is the intention of this essay to explain the United States foreign policy behind specific doctrines. In order to realize current objectives, this paper will proceed as follows: Part 1 will define the Monroe Doctrine, Sections 2, 3, 4, and 5 will concurrently explicate the Roosevelt Corollary, Good Neighbor Policy, and the Nixon Doctrine, discuss how each policy resulted in U.S. involvement in Latin American countries, describe how it was justified by the U.S. government, respectively, and finally, will bring this paper to a summation and conclusion.
George Washington, the first president of the United States, had written a very important historical speech and document towards the end of his time in office. He had written the Farewell address which focused on helping America understand the importance of preserving unity, acknowledging the rise of political parties forming, strengthening religion and morality, and he stated his position on American foreign policy. He addressed these ideas with strong tone and used incredible amount of dictions that strengthens his tone as well as representing his appeal to ethos to a strong degree. However, today’s society seemed to forget Washington’s position on foreign policy and has created a new form of the policy. But nonetheless as time grew, change occurs. In today’s society Washington’s foreign policy would include many positive and negative manifestations, but it is still a speech and document that will always apply to America.
A wise human once stated, “People are quick to believe the bad things they hear about good people”(Unknown). Bound by the nature of humans, many are hasty to believe inaccurate accounts, no matter the circumstances, whether the accounts have evidence, or if they have any veracity to them. In Arthur Miller’s, The Crucible, the hysteric citizens of Salem, Massachusetts experience an outrageous witch hunt movement, accumulating a hefty death total of twenty citizens. The play begins with Reverend Parris, a relatively new Puritan minister in Salem, whose daughter, Betty Parris, is stuck in a coma-like state. Parris reveals that his niece Abigail, was seen dancing with Betty, and Tituba, Parris’ black slave from Barbados. Concerned about his reputation,
Hawley, C. (2003). U.S. foreign policy. Encyclopedia of American history: Expansion and reform, 1813-1855, 4, Retrieved August 14, 2008, from Facts on File: American History Online database.
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Nye, Jr., Joseph S. “Hard and Soft Power in American Foreign Policy.” In Paradox of American Power. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002. 4-17. Print.