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Robert martin the canadian charter of rights
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The focus of this essay will be centralized upon arguing that the inherent weakness of “Australian Constitutional Jurisprudence ” lies in omission of a framework which explicitly protects civil and politic rights of Australian citizens. Nevertheless, this may be remedied by the incorporation of a constitutionally entrenched Bill of Rights which will ensure that implied constitutionally rights and freedom will become absolute . Thus in countries such as Canada which has its own Canadian Charter of Rights “the electoral system is subject to less judicial intervention ” as “contrary [to the Charter] the legislature may not legislate and the executive may not act ” this enables “the courts to invalidate legislation and conduct which infringes the Bill of Rights. ” Firstly, this essay will critique the undue restrictions placed on the voting rights of prisoners by the High court through a humanist perspective – noting both arguments in favour and in opposition of the decision. Following this, this essay will explore the less controversial case of Rowe v Electoral Commissioner . Furthermore, the essay will conduct a close analysis of the freedom of political communication and the restrictions which it entails. The Bill of Rights Paradox Australia’s prohibition against the adoption of a charter of rights stems from the beliefs of “framers of the constitution ” as it was declared that “confidence in the legislative branch of government and doctrine of responsible government ensured the protection of the rights of the people of Australia. ” The aforementioned ideal has been widely accepted and is instilled in contemporary legal scholarship. This is demonstrated through Mason J’s statement in Nationwide News Pty Ltd v Wills that the dile... ... middle of paper ... ...lidated “section 299 (1)(d)(ii) of the Industrial Relations Act 1988 (Cth) which “imposed sanctions upon those who intentionally bought the Commission into disrepute. ” With reference to section 7 and 24 of the Constitution the learned judges concluded that the concepts of responsible and representative government are analogous with the concept of freedom of speech . The ‘proportionality test, as discussed above in Roach’s case was applied in this case. It is my firm belief that by enabling the public to access information the High Court was just in its’ conclusion. Conversely, in Australian Capital Television Pty Ltd v Commonwealth the High Court invalidated the “Political Broadcast and Political Disclosure Act” which “sought to prohibit political advertising by means of radio and television.” The judgement of McHugh J, which this essay both endorses and supports
The milestone judicial decision in Cole v Whitfield pronounced a pivotal moment in Australian jurisprudence in relation to the interpretation of s92 of the Australian constitution. This essay will critically analyse the constitutional interpretation approach utilised in Cole v Whitfield. This method will be compared with the interpretational methods exemplified in Commonwealth v Australian Capital Territory. Although within these two cases there appears to be a preference towards a particular interpretational method, each mode has both strengths and weaknesses. Accordingly, the merit of each should be employed in conjunction with one another, where the court deems fit, complementing each other. This may provide a holistic approach to interpreting the constitution.
From five states arose delegates who would soon propose an idea that would impact the United States greatly. The idea was to hold a meeting in Philadelphia called the Constitutional Convention in 1787 meant to discuss the improvements for the Articles of Confederation and would later be called the United States Constitution. The United States Constitution was greatly influenced by Ancient Rome, the Enlightenment, and Colonial Grievances.
The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms has long been the legal document that protects Canadian citizens from infringements made by unscrupulous politicians and legislators. However, there are questions explored about the Sections of the Charter and in those of Section 7 in particular. This is because of the protective function of Section 7 and its obligations of the protection of a citizen’s rights to life, liberty and security of the person. There are third parties that could be posing “threats” to Charter interests and therefore the extents of Section 7 in terms of its protective function for individuals’ rights are put into question. Section 7 of the Charter says that “[E]veryone has the right to life, liberty and the security of the person and the right not to be deprived thereof except in accordance with the principles of fundamental justice.” The meaning of Section 7 is to adhere to each individual’s right to the sanctity of life, their physical liberty in a narrow sense, and the integrity of the person is to be kept secure. However, what would the extent of Section 7 be or moreover, what is the extent of each protected interest? The objective of this paper is to examine the extents of Section 7 of the Charter in which the focus is on the protected interests of life, liberty and security of the person. Each protected interest will be discussed in depth with its relationship to a specific Canadian court case. This will help to determine the extent of Section 7 and therefore help understand how much the Charter protects the freedom of Canadian citizens. For right to life, the First Nation communities in Canada had ‘high risk’ of threats to health in their water systems according to Health Canada. The focus of this topic...
The United State of America, established by the Founding Father who lead the American Revolution, accomplished many hardship in order to construct what America is today. As history established America’s future, the suffering the United State encountered through history illustrate America’s ability to identify mistakes and make changes to prevent the predictable. The 2nd Amendment was written by the Founding Father who had their rights to bear arms revoked when they believe rising up to their government was appropriate. The Twentieth Century, American’s are divided on the 2nd Amendment rights, “The right to bear arms.” To understand why the Founding Father written this Amendment, investigating the histories and current measures may help the American people gain a better understanding of gun’s rights in today’s America.
Democracy is more than merely a system of government. It is a culture – one that promises equal rights and opportunity to all members of society. Democracy can also be viewed as balancing the self-interests of one with the common good of the entire nation. In order to ensure our democratic rights are maintained and this lofty balance remains in tact, measures have been taken to protect the system we pride ourselves upon. There are two sections of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms that were implemented to do just this. Firstly, Section 1, also known as the “reasonable limits clause,” ensures that a citizen cannot legally infringe on another’s democratic rights as given by the Charter. Additionally, Section 33, commonly referred to as the “notwithstanding clause,” gives the government the power to protect our democracy in case a law were to pass that does not violate our Charter rights, but would be undesirable. Professor Kent Roach has written extensively about these sections in his defence of judicial review, and concluded that these sections are conducive to dialogue between the judiciary and the legislature. Furthermore, he established that they encourage democracy. I believe that Professor Roach is correct on both accounts, and in this essay I will outline how sections 1 and 33 do in fact make the Canadian Charter more democratic. After giving a brief summary of judicial review according to Roach, I will delve into the reasonable limits clause and how it is necessary that we place limitations on Charter rights. Following this, I will explain the view Professor Roach and I share on the notwithstanding clause and how it is a vital component of the Charter. To conclude this essay, I will discuss the price at which democr...
The sixth amendment is indeed a right that carries tremendous importance with its name. It constitutes for many protections which Mallicoat (2016) summarizes by saying it “provides for the right to a speedy trial by an impartial jury of one’s peers in the jurisdiction where the crime occurred. Provides the right to be informed of the nature of the charges, to confront witnesses against oneself, and present witnesses in one’s defense. Provides the right to an attorney.” Having an impartial jury of one’s peers is extremely important in efforts to eliminate bias and a subjective, limited range of mindsets. If this cannot be obtained in the jurisdiction where the crime was committed, one may request trial to be held elsewhere, such as in the case
The ninth and tenth amendments could be exactly what a women is looking for when choosing to have an abortion. While the ninth amendment states “there are other rights that may exist aside from the ones explicitly mentioned, and even though they are not listed, it does not mean they can be violated.” The fourth amendment states the right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects against unreasonable searches and seizures shall not be violated. A woman not having the right to have an abortion would be like saying she doesn’t have the right to do what she wants with her body (violation of the 9th amendment) or in other words, her property.
The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms was enacted under the Pierre Trudeau government on April 17, 1982. According to Phillip Bryden, “With the entrenchment of the Charter into the Canadian Constitution, Canadians were not only given an explicit definition of their rights, but the courts were empowered to rule on the constitutionality of government legislation” (101). Prior to 1982, Canada’s central constitutional document was the British North America Act of 1867. According to Kallen, “The BNA Act (the Constitution Act, 1867) makes no explicit reference to human rights” (240). The adoption of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms significantly transformed the operation of Canada’s political system. Presently, Canadians define their needs and complaints in human rights terms. Bryden states, “More and more, interest groups and minorities are turning to the courts, rather than the usual political processes, to make their grievances heard” (101). Since it’s inception in 1982 the Charter has become a very debatable issue. A strong support for the Charter remains, but there also has been much criticism toward the Charter. Academic critics of the Charter such as Robert Martin believe that the Charter is doing more harm than good, and is essentially antidemocratic and UN-Canadian. I believe that Parliament’s involvement in implementing the Charter is antidemocratic, although, the Charter itself represents a democratic document. Parliament’s involvement in implementing the Charter is antidemocratic because the power of the executive is enhanced at the expense of Parliament, and the power of the judiciary is enhanced at the expense of elected officials, although, the notwithstanding clause continues to provide Parliament with a check on...
The Constitution of the United States of America (US) is the bedrock of the political and judicial system of a country which at the time founded represented a new direction of governance not practiced for nearly two millenniums. The US became the first democratic republic in modern history with a Constitution that came into force in 1789, deriving more ideals from the Romans or the Greek Mini-States that from any political system in place around the world at the time. It is undeniable, even by the strictest constructionist or originalists that the U.S. Constitution borrowed concepts not only from famous ancient philosophers like Aristotle or Cicero but also from modern political thinkers like Locke, Montesquieu
There are several key constitutional principles, such as popular sovereignty, federalism, republicanism, individual rights, and so on. The United States is a democracy and residences are considered the source of the government powers. Since America is well known for freedom, it is obvious that the government does not have powers to control everything. Limited government is another type of the constitutional principles as well.
While an uncodified constitution has the advantages of dynamic, adaptability and flexibility to meet the ever-changing needs of the society , it poses much difficulty in pinpointing the ultimate constitutional principle that should provide legitimacy in the British constitution. This results in a battle between two broad schools of thought––political constitutionalism and legal constitutionalism.
The Constitution or “the supreme law of the land”, as stated in article six in the constitution is very complex. It is complex not only in its actual text full of ambiguities and vagueness, but it becomes more complex when used in practice and interpreted. Constitutional interpretation is significant because it is what decides what the constitution actually means. Constitutional interpretation is a guide judges use to find the legal meaning of the constitution. The interpretation of the constitution and amendments can make a big impact on outcomes. In our government and Judiciary, we see commonly see originalism being used to interpret the constitution and amendments, but there
The rule of law broadly requires; that all are equal before the law , that the government is subject to the law and must exercise its power according to the law, finally that ‘there exist fundamental individual liberties and minimum standards of justice, to which the law must conform’ . The rule of law is problematic to define but put simply it is not ‘the rule of men’ and is evident in societies with functioning judiciaries and a clear separation of powers such as New Zealand. It is one of several intrinsic attributes of our constitutional makeup and overall the Judiciary aid in ‘ensure[ing] that the rule of law is maintained’ .
The grounds of judicial review help judges uphold constitutional principles by, ensuring discretionary power of public bodies correspond with inter alia the rule of law. I will discuss the grounds of illegality, irrationality and proportionality in relation to examining what case law reveals about the purpose and effect these grounds.
In her obiter dicta of Kruger v Commonwealth, Gaudron J (in dissent) made an interesting argument concerning constitutional guarantees of freedom of religion (s. 116). She said that the Commonwealth can infringe on these guarantees in order to perform a needful government action. Gaudron stated this in reference to section 116 of the Constitution and in context of the Stolen Generations. Gaudron reveals an interesting trend in the Commonwealth today showing a disregard towards religious affiliation. As a Christian, I disagree with the meaning of Justice Gaudron’s statement. It infringes on the rights of people like me who seek to follow their religion without government intervention. There needs to be changes in section 116 since it is too broad in its interpretation and can be used by the Commonwealth to interfere with religion. For my thesis, I will argue that Gaudron’s limitations restrict the freedom of religion of Australians and there needs to be a referendum to amend section 116 of the Constitution.