Confucianism In China

The roles and normalities of women in Chinese society have remained fluid for centuries, influenced by changing dynasties, colonizers, and the presence other cultures. Politically, particularly through Confucianism, rigid expectations of women began to develop. Strong emphasis on morals, traditional values, and respect shaped the developing gender roles of the era. As Confucianism spread, trends such as foot-binding emerged amongst the elite, and Europeans began to discredit Chinese morality using cultural differences as a means of claiming authority. The validity of European moral superiority is brought into question when contrasted with actual experiences of Chinese women

Confucian state limited women’s participation in most public affairs,

confining them to solely domestic environments. The role of the wife was to be subservient, extremely refined, and occupy as little space as possible. Song Ruozhao’s instructions to the elite include the warning “when
 standing, don’t rustle your skirts; when 
happy, don’t exult with
 loud laughter; when
 angry, don’t raise your voice.” It is clear that women were expected to be as diminutive as possible and to attract no attention to themselves.
In a 19th century article in the North China Herald, Confucianism and its influences on gender is called a “bitter fruit.” The European author refers to “The Seven Deadly Sins of Confucianism,” a list of contradictory and hypocritical analyses of Chinese women including comments on infanticide, secondary wives, and lack of education. Compared to writings by Chinese women, the European perspective on Confucianism was that it was a “sin” against women, and the Chinese were referred to as “physically and intellectually superior, but morally deficient.”
Confucian values center around the power of morals, and morals guided by circumstance.

In her “Instructions for the Inner Quarter,” Empress Xu speaks of Chinese women with a positive, almost prideful stance, claiming that morality is “actually rooted in our very selves.” She places strong emphasis on moral character and cultivation of self, and portrays the traditional expectations of marriage and motherhood as something to aspire to. “An upright woman of pure character,” she writes, “can be made the wife of a great family.” The societal role of womanhood is presented with appreciation based on circumstance, rather than concern or condescension. Women are expected to be modest, dignified, gentle, and honest, amongst a litany of other qualities which Empress Xu believes are essential. She claims that “The moral nature being innate in our endowment, it becomes transformed and fulfilled through practice.” While Europeans found the Chinese to be “morally deficient,” Empress Xu boasted the strong morality that she believed existed in woman’s

essence.
Both Ruozhao and Xu recognize the burden of holding such a high moral standard; Empress Xu writes that “if you do not correct your faults, they will compromise your virtue.” Similarly, Ruozhao warns the reader that “If she is diligent, the household thrives; if lazy, it declines.” While women’s roles in society were limited and debilitating, their contributions were valued. Women were meant to be beacons of morality, gently correcting their husbands’ errors and upholding a reputation for their families.
The inappropriateness of Europeans claiming authority on the basis of sexual injustice reveals itself in the inaccuracies of “Natural History of Chinese Girl.” The author simultaneously claims outrage at the issues of overpopulation and infanticide, feigning concern that “There are too many villages to the square mile, too many families to the village, too many ‘mouths’ to the family.” The contradiction outlined between the sins of suicide and overpopulation leads one to question the author’s intended message.

“Natural History of a Chinese Girl” can be more productively interpreted as a European’s documented culture shock rather than justified outrage over oppressed women. Regardless, the attitude towards the expected sex and gender normalcies is inherently

negative.
The social repression of women manifested physically in the trend of foot-binding. While the practice’s origins are not known for sure, it was seen as a way for Chinese men “to oblige their wives to keep at home.” Controversy around foot-binding was heightened by the European presence in China. A Protestant missionary journal commented that “Not only the minds of the people, but their bodies also, are distorted and deformed by unnatural usages.” To Chinese women, foot-binding was seen as a symbol of beauty and class, but Europeans interpreted the practice as a “hideous deformity of the Chinese female foot.” As with the North China Herald, their disgust is laden with hypocrisy. Bound feet were to the elite Chinese what corseted waists were to Victorian Europe; a beauty standard with strong class connotations. However, to the Europeans, foot-binding was visible evidence that Confucianism was oppressing women, and finding flaws in Confucianism enabled their claim to authority.
The answer to the question of morality differs based on perspective. While many of the claims made by Europeans are valid facts about the treatment of Chinese women, it is not the job of the outsider to determine what is moral or immoral in another’s culture. Women in Chinese society served a purpose under Confucian structure. Although specific practices such as harems and foot-binding were not found in Europe, the oppressive ideas behind these practices were omnipresent, and any authority claimed by Europeans was attributable to xenophobia and normalized westernization. Chinese women found pride in upholding what was expected of them, regardless of the misogyny deeply ingrained in their culture.