In the early 1960’s, the Civil Rights Movement was rearing its head amongst ethnicities other than African Americans. The mid-60’s saw the flowering of a movement for legal rights among Mexican-Americans, as well as a new militancy challenging the group’s second-class economic status. The aptly named ‘Chicano’ movement had many similarities to what the ‘Black Power’ movement also advocated. It primarily emphasized pride in both the past and present Mexican culture, but unlike the Black Power movement and SDS, it was also closely linked to labor struggles. The movement itself found one of its leaders in César Estrada Chávez, the son of migrant farm works and disciple of Martin Luther King Jr. César Chávez would become the best-known Latino American civil rights activist through his use of aggressive but nonviolent tactics and his public-relations approach to unionism. In 1965, Chávez led a series of nonviolent protests which included marches, fasts and a national boycott of California grapes. The boycott drew national attention to the pitifully low wages and oppressive working conditions forced upon migrant laborers, and in 1969, Chávez addressed a “Letter from Delano” to agricultural employers, defending his own movement’s aims and tactics.
Chávez’s leadership was based on an unshakable commitment to nonviolence, personal sacrifice and a strict work ethic. He emphasized the necessity of adhering to nonviolence, even when faced with violence from employers and growers, because he knew if the strikers used violence to further their goals, the growers and police would not hesitate to respond with even greater vehemence. Despite his commitment to nonviolence, many of the movement’s ‘enemies’, so to speak, made efforts to paint the mo...
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...ights leader César Estrada Chávez attempted to make the growers and other fellow businessmen understand what the farm workers were going through. In it, he demanded equal rights and demanded that the masses of farm workers be free and treated as humans. The “Letter from Delano” had a remarkable impact on the tide of the table grape boycott, as Chávez’s words served to ignite the fires in the hearts of fellow farm workers and other Americans of unrelated ethnicities as well. These fires burnt for equal rights and freedom for all, and helped cement the strikes and table grape boycott as part of the Civil Rights Movement. Chávez used his dedication to militant nonviolence to achieve equal rights for his fellow farm workers, and helped ensure that they and their future generations would no longer be enslaved by the industry the letter’s receiver, Mr. Barr, represented.
3. Dolores Huerta was the main negotiator during the Delano grape strike. In 1965 Dolores Huerta and Cesar Chavez were approached by Filipino members of the Agricultural Workers Organizing Committee ("AWOC"). AWOC wanted higher wages from the Delano are grape growers. AWOC wanted to negotiate new contracts with their employers but they needed the help of Huerta and Chavez. The NFWA was still new and growing although Huerta thought that NFWA was not ready to attack corporate America she could not refuse to help AWOC. The two unions formed into one union called United Farm Workers union. Under this the union Dolores began the battle with the Delano grape growers. Dolores organized over 5,000 workers to walk off their job and to strike until they could reach an agreement with their employers.
In 1938, the Chavez family lost their farm due to the Great Depression. They were forced to relocate to California and become migrant workers. Chavez was distressed by the poor treatment that migrant farmworkers endured on a daily basis. His powerful religious convictions, dedication to change, and a skill at non violent organizing cultivated the establishment of the United Farmworkers (UFW). It was also referred to as “La Causa” by supporters and eventually became a vital movement for self-determination in the lives of California's farmworkers. The astounding nationwide lettuce and grape boycotts along with public support revealed the atrocities of California agribusiness and resulted in the first union hiring halls and collective bargaining for migrant workers. The details of the childhood of Cesar Chavez and how they would later shape his actions are a vital aspect of this book and the establishment of the farm workers movement.
A logical appeal is used in the quotation, ”If, for every violent act committed against us, we respond with nonviolence, we attract people’s support.” It stands to reason that those who commit atrocities will not be supported en masse. However, what commands real respect is the ability to have grace under fire. When one is being attacked without due cause, people will attempt to help the victim, not the aggressor. Therefore, the most logical way to gain support for one’s movement is to turn the other cheek. Chavez also uses a logical argument when he references a recurring theme throughout history. In almost every violent uprising, it is the poor who end up with the most casualties. Therefore, if Chavez uses violent tactics, those he led would be the ones hardest hit, not those who supported the system. For them, it would be economically and strategically infeasible for them to keep up the attack. In Chavez’s reasoning, the most rational course of action is to refrain from
The 'Moyer'. Farmworker Movement: John Moyer interviews César Chávez. Retrieved from http://www.historyandtheheadlines.abc-clio.com/ContentPages/ContentPage.aspx?entryId=1665620¤tSection=1665275&productid=41. Northouse, Peter G. (2012). The 'Path Introduction to Leadership Concepts and Practice.
In the article, written by Cesar Chavez, an argument of whether people should react with violence or nonviolence is displayed. Chavez argues that violence is never the answer and will eventually lead to more violence. Examples of how to protest peacefully are shown to prove that it is the better solution. Chavez’s sophisticated use of juxtaposition, anecdote, and imagery appeals to the reader by showing them that nonviolence is far more powerful than violence.
Cesar Chavez, published an article on the tenth anniversary of the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr. In his argument, he emphasizes about advocating for nonviolent resistance and invokes the ideals of Dr. KIng. Implementing a resolute tone, he repeats about the fact that nonviolence is more powerful than violence since nonviolence will only be able to achieve civil rights activist's goals. This is appealing to ethos and pathos but also bringing in the rhetorical question of helping his argument for nonviolent resistance. Which he is using contrast diction to differentiate the violent and nonviolent actions. By doing this, he is reasoning for the virtues of the aftermath, like his conviction and the use of plural nouns. Chavez is appealing
In his magazine article, civil rights leader and social activist, Cesar Chavez, discusses nonviolent ways to further the civil rights movement and eliminate the racial inequalities that exist in the world. Through the use of rhetorical aid, including the aid of repetition, Chavez sets a powerful and inspiring tone in order to convey his message to the audience: nonviolence overcomes violence.
The phrase “militant nonviolence” used to describe the type of protest that Chavez wishes his followers to perform conveys a message to organize in military like peaceful protests, in order to successfully
Around the Civil Rights Movement, particularly the 1960s, Dr. King was well known for his speeches and marches. When he was assassinated, there were many violent and distraught reactions because of his death. During the tenth anniversary of his assassination, Cesar Chavez published an article explaining his reasoning and knowledge as to why nonviolent ways are best to see implicate changes. Chavez uses prominent, powerful diction, appeals, and apposability to argue his point about nonviolence resistance towards the audience.
When making note of the Civil Rights movement, one can’t help but think of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr; as a civil rights activist, King is known for practicing nonviolence, especially in the fight for freedom. On the tenth anniversary of the assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., Cesar Chavez published an essay that makes note of the significance of the practice of nonviolence resistance. When addressing the audience- members of a religious organization devoted to helping those in need- Chavez develops a serious and profound argument through the use of various complex rhetorical strategies.
This article describes how Chavez determination was meaningful to his movement, “In July 1970 Chavez's union faced one of its most serious challenges when the Teamsters' union signed contracts that applied to farm workers with some 200 growers in California. Chavez met the challenge head-on, within 3 weeks the largest agricultural strike ever to hit California had spread over 180 miles along the coastal valleys (“Cesar Chavez”).” This statement shows how Cesar Chavez is determined because of how in only 3 weeks he managed to spread the largest agricultural strike, been about 180 miles long. This illustrates how one heroic trait of Cesar Chavez is been determined by putting his heart and mind into his cause and be able to succeed no matter what's the challenge. Another example of Chavez determination can be found in the same article, “Chavez's efforts were rewarded. From 1964 to 1980, wages of California migrant workers had increased 70 percent, health care benefits became a reality and a formal grievance procedure was established. Chavez continued to fight for the rights of workers up to the day of his death on April 22, 1993(“Cesar Chavez”).” This evidence illustrates one of the highlights that makes Chavez deserving of the title hero: Chavez determination of how
He did a big public demonstration .“ He led a march of workers across California to the state capital, Sacramento, in order to draw attention to La causa (The Cause). “ (source C ). He did this because he wanted more people to see what he is fighting for . also for them to notice that change is needed.His life work was the fight for better rights for immigrant workers . “Union leader and labor organizer
Farmer workers began losing everything they had, such as their homes. During this movement, Hispanics often asked to sleep on the floor in the homes of others during their march to the capitol. While the farm workers were marching to the capitol in Sacramento, CA for justice, on Easter Sunday of 1966, approximately 10,000 others joined them. After striking nearly two years, farmers still refused to negotiate with the farm workers for better treatment. Hispanics began boycotting the grapes. Eventually, mayors, religious leaders, as well as other countries, such as Europe, France, and Sweden joined the boycott. Dock workers from Sweden, Europe, and France refused to unload the California grapes. On February 14, 1968, César Chávez began his spiritual fast, drinking only water and consuming no solid foods. Although, the Hispanics did not understand what Chávez was doing, some Hispanic left the movement thinking that Chávez was crazy. Afterwards, store owners began telling farm owners that they were not going to sell their grapes because they did not want the people blocking their businesses from the boycott. Later, one farmer gave in and at that time his grapes were the only grapes being sold through the union. On July 29, 1970, the National Grape Boycott yields twenty-six Delano farmers to sign contracts providing better treatment to the farm
In this excerpt Chavez is speaking to his supporters stressing the importance of nonviolence. “ we are convinced that when people are faced with a direct appeal from the poor struggling non violently against great odds, they will react positively.” In this quote exemplifies that plea stated earlier, and it works by playing off emotions. It evokes a feeling of sympathy. This leads to the logic in his quote. That logic is that any reasonable man or woman would feel sympathy for the hard-working folks being deprived of pay. Another quote that is brilliantly crafted from the excerpt is.
This movement sought to regain access to lost land, gain rights for farm workers, and educational reform. The movement started in the 1940’s and 1950’s with two important court cases. The first was Mendez v. Westminster Supreme Court case in 1947 case that said that prohibited the segregating of white and Latino children. The second was the 1954 supreme case of Hernandez v. Texas. which ruled that the Fourteenth Amendment granted equal protection for all groups not just whites. These cases enabled Latinos to gain access to gateway institutions such as education. Which in turn resulted in upward mobility for small sectors of the Latino community. Not only did the movement gain access for some Latinos but also it was able to secure unionization for Mexican American farm workers. This was done a 1965 national boycott of grapes that forced grape growers to recognize United Farm Workers in Delano, California that was spearheaded by Caesar Chavez and Dolores Huerta. Also grape pickers went on strike, and Chavez went through a twenty-five day hunger strike in 1968. Senator Robert F. Kennedy was a supported of the movement and showed this by joining the movement when it was at its’ peak. In 1970 farm workers finally were able sign agreements that acknowledged the United Farm Workers as a union. The Latino civil rights movement was able to gain access for some Latinos but