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When making note of the Civil Rights movement, one can’t help but think of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr; as a civil rights activist, King is known for practicing nonviolence, especially in the fight for freedom. On the tenth anniversary of the assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., Cesar Chavez published an essay that makes note of the significance of the practice of nonviolence resistance. When addressing the audience- members of a religious organization devoted to helping those in need- Chavez develops a serious and profound argument through the use of various complex rhetorical strategies.
Chavez begins the essay by identifying King’s life as a clear “example of power that nonviolence brings to bear in the world.” The connection that Chavez makes between King’s life and nonviolence, sets in stone the main idea of the passage. It can be expected that the author will advocate the predominance of nonviolence over violence. Establishing the main idea allows Chavez to smoothly transition into one of his complex rhetorical
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strategies- definition of nonviolence. He starts off the definition with a simple sentence that states that “nonviolence is more powerful than violence.” When Chavez vehemently makes this point, it is clear to his audience that he is a strong advocate for nonviolence resistance. Chavez continues his definition with a simple anaphora; he begins the next two sentences with nonviolence. This overall use of repetition elucidates the exact meaning of nonviolence because the author consecutively defines nonviolence in different ways. His casual diction, for he uses the word “we”, further enables the audience to connect to Chavez’s viewpoint about nonviolence resistance. After making an effort to define nonviolence, Chavez moves on to juxtapose nonviolence and violence. Doing this is a strategic strategy because now that the audience has a clear idea of what nonviolence entails, comparing it with the negatives of violence will definitely make the latter seem even worse. Chavez applies a cause and effect approach when juxtaposing violence and nonviolence. He states that “resort[ing] to violence” will result in “one of two things”, both of which defeat the exact purpose of wanting a change. In listing the consequences of violence, he uses negative connotative words such as “injuries”, “deaths”, and “demoralization” which starkly contrast with the positive connotative words such as “support” “resolution,” and “positively,” which are used to describe nonviolence. This clear distinction allows Chavez to make a side by side comparison as to why nonviolence resistance is better; this successfully fulfills Chavez’s purpose of showcasing nonviolence resistance as the better option. Along with juxtaposing, Chavez directly references a historical figure to add a moral aspect to nonviolence.
In describing the “demonstrations and marches,” he uses a simple metaphor that states that such acts of protests can be used as weapons “against the growers.” This metaphor at the beginning of the 10th paragraph is what he uses to transition into the direct reference. Chavez explains that the “perfect boycott, as Gandhi taught is most nearly perfect instrument of nonviolence change.” This reference to Gandhi is an appeal to pathos because comparing the actions of the audience with the teachings of a well-renowned figure will arouse a sense of importance. By making note of how such a significant figure would support nonviolence will greatly amplify the argument because anyone would want to follow in the footsteps of great leaders. This will further make the audience feel as though nonviolence is supported by the wisest of
individuals. Chavez addresses his argument by using a definition, juxtaposition, and direct reference. Such efforts clearly indicate Chavez’s belief that each and every one of his readers should choose nonviolence over violence. So, why not do exactly that? Why not take the advice of great leaders such as Gandhi and Martin Luther King Jr.? Why not be the ones to put an end to nonviolence resistance?
¬¬¬Though most American people claim to seek peace, the United States remains entwined with both love and hate for violence. Regardless of background or personal beliefs, the vast majority of Americans enjoy at least one activity that promotes violence whether it be professional fighting or simply playing gory video games. Everything is all well and good until this obsession with violence causes increased frequency of real world crimes. In the article, “Is American Nonviolence Possible” Todd May proposes a less standard, more ethical, fix to the problem at hand. The majority of the arguments brought up make an appeal to the pathos of the reader with a very philosophical overall tone.
Utilizing paradox, Chavez describes the effectiveness of nonviolent protest to his audience. Recalling the achievements of MLK, Chavez claims that King “learned how to successfully fight hatred and violence with the unstoppable power of nonviolence.” This quote demonstrates
His allusions to the teachings of Dr. King and Gandhi's work accomplish historical proof that nonviolence is powerful and effective. Likewise, he pairs this with a logical appeal by using, again, direct sentences that are short yet powerful in meaning. Chavez says “people suffer from violence”. Examine history.” He again calls on history to make a logical argument on why nonviolent resistance is most successful.
In Cesar Chavez’s article “He Showed us the Way”, Chavez talks about Martin Luther King’s practices, how he stands with his nonviolent teachings and how king believed hate cannot driven out hate. Chavez explains how being nonviolent helped many members of the Civil Rights Movement get what they wanted. Throughout the article, Chavez uses religious and historical allusion, to show how nonviolence can be the best route to achieve what they want.
Chávez’s leadership was based on an unshakable commitment to nonviolence, personal sacrifice and a strict work ethic. He emphasized the necessity of adhering to nonviolence, even when faced with violence from employers and growers, because he knew if the strikers used violence to further their goals, the growers and police would not hesitate to respond with even greater vehemence. Despite his commitment to nonviolence, many of the movement’s ‘enemies’, so to speak, made efforts to paint the mo...
After being jailed in the Birmingham city jail, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., a Baptist minister who preached nonviolence, wrote this response to a published statement by eight fellow clergymen from Alabama. This letter was not only composed under somewhat constricting circumstances but was written in a way that can be analyzed to be considered as a classic argument. Not only does it contain the five elements needed in a rhetorical situation, but the letter includes the six parts of an argument, the five types of claims, and even the three types of proofs. Dr. King’s letter fully satisfies all requirements needed in order to be considered a classic argument.
Cesar Chavez was a Hispanic migrant worker who fought for the rights of other migrant farm workers. His strategy for fighting inequality was through nonviolent strikes, boycotts, and marches. In this interview of him by a Christian magazine, Chavez uses logical and religious appeals, and allusions to justify his usage of nonviolent resistance in order to gain civil rights.
Nonviolence provides the opportunity to stay off of the offensive, and this is of crucial importance to win any contest.” (lines 12-16). Also, repetition is found throughout the passage when he mentions the detrimental effects a violent resistance can produce. The repetition of the word nonviolence followed by things that result from it allows him to emphasize the importance of nonviolence and implant the ideals of nonviolence in the audience's mind to cause them to further consider the topic of non violence. This argument can sway the reader to agree with him and further asserts his opinion that nonviolence is the correct way to go about an issue. By utilizing this strategy, Chavez stresses non violence to his audience and achieves his purpose of bringing attention the the success and essentiality of non-violence gaining the support of his audience.
Last but not least, Chavez uses an oxymoron in line 45. He says, “We advocate militant nonviolence as our means of achieving justice for our people, but we are not blind to the feelings of frustration, impatience and anger which seeth inside every worker.” In the sentence provided, he also uses a strong word choice and personification to give you a mental picture of the madness that laces every worker’s insides. Cesar Chavez once said, “In some cases nonviolence requires more militancy than violence.”
“All machines have their friction―and possibly this does enough good to counterbalance the evil… But when the friction comes to have its machine… I say, let us not have such a machine any longer” (Thoreau 8). In Henry David Thoreau’s essay “On the Duty of Civil Disobedience,” the author compares government to a machine, and its friction to inequity. He believes that when injustice overcomes a nation, it is time for that nation’s government to end. Thoreau is ashamed of his government, and says that civil disobedience can fight the system that is bringing his country down. Alas, his philosophy is defective: he does not identify the benefits of organized government, and fails to recognize the danger of a country without it. When looked into, Thoreau’s contempt for the government does not justify his argument against organized democracy.
Chavez uses personification where he says, “The greater the oppression, the more leverage nonviolence holds.” (lines 73,74). You can see his use of personification where he says that nonviolence holds leverage. By doing this, Chavez is using personification in a way that makes his point, that if you are nonviolent, your movement and your perspective is going to matter more and have greater influence, easier for the reader to to understand. Overall, Chavez is saying that the greater the oppression, the greater influence nonviolence will have. Without his use of personification, the reader may not have been able to connect to Chavez’ point, and therefore may have passed over it without much thought about it.
One of the most celebrated migrant workers of all time, César Chávez, triumphed as a leader because he knew how to be a servant first and those who followed him respected that. He was a quiet, devoted and religious man who was able to identify with his audience because he was in their shoes. The definition of leadership has been discussed in detail in this class, but our search for the final definition has continued to complicate the issue. The leadership topics that have been studied this semester that apply to César Chávez and that will be concentrated on during this paper are: the ideas of inside and outside leaders, level 5 leadership, situational leadership, service leadership and social justice leadership. César Chávez exemplifies ‘leadership’ in his own way and has created a new way to define what a real leader is. This essay focuses on the relationship between Chávez’s life and work, as well as the idea of ‘Social justice leadership’ and ‘servant leadership’. In his vision of peace, he represented the idea of nonviolence and the importance of believing in a cause and following through with what you promise. Chávez founded a group that supported and fought for the rights of farm workers, acting to increase wages and improve the working conditions and safety of farm workers, which was called the National Farm Workers Association (NFWA) and was later renamed the National Farm Worke...
Cesar Chavez uses morals and his audience fear of destruction to justify his stance on non-violent protests . Martin Luther King jr was an activist and civil rights leader that did not use violence to get his point across like many other activists at that time. Cesar Chavez wrote on the anniversary of his death explaining why using nonviolence is the way to advocate rights for those in need. His article was put in a religious organization that helped people who were in need of help. Cesar Chavez uses morals as a way to appeal to the religious side of his audience. Cesar Chavez also uses the fear of losing power to prove that doing nonviolent protests are the right way to spread his cause.
Martin Luther King Jr. uses the rhetorical appeal of Logos to provide a sense of logic and reason within his letter. When he is accused of resorting to demonstrations rather than attempting negotiations King provides his four step plan to a successful nonviolent campaign, listing direct action as the final step and negotiations as the second. This point peacefully refutes the clergymen’s accusations and does not provoke a new argument. King also uses facts to prove a point such as, “There have been more unsolved bombings of Negro homes and churches in Birmingham than and city in the nation.” (King, ¶-5) This quotation validates King’s reasoning to be in Birmingham for demonstrations and not just negotiation.
Considering the context of its creation, the “Letter from a Birmingham Jail,” by Martin Luther King Jr. is remarkably powerful that sets many citizens to be involved for social justice. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr was the first African American leader for the Civil Rights Movements. Because of his role as an activist and a humanitarian leader, he was best known for his role in civil engagements using nonviolent civil disobedience. The letter was a response to Birmingham clergy that segregation can happen on streets and instead of doing it the violent way, justices could be brought in a non-violent way to break unjust laws. Moving on, King Jr’s readings have a relationship with “From Non-Violent Resistance,” by Mohandas K. Gandhi. He is