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The pinochet era in chile
Characteristics of authoritarian government
The pinochet era in chile
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Guillermo O’Donnell’s definition of a bureaucratic-authoritarian government involves the transformation of a political government through the changes in industrialization and the social hierarchy. Bureaucratic-Authoritarian governments, according to O’Donnell’s definition, are “excluding and emphatically non-democratic” (Collier 24). The case of Chile emphasizes the exclusion O’Donnell speaks of, most importantly after democratic processes in Chile came to a halt during Pinochet’s reign. The implementation of a bureaucratic-authoritarian government in Chile led to a positive in change in the country’s economy while sacrificing political involvement. To understand the origins of Chile’s bureaucratic-authoritarian government, focus should be placed on how it formed, its unique characteristics, and what eventually led to the downfall and replacement of the government. Each aspect looks at vital components of implementing a bureaucratic-authoritarian and allows for an in-depth understanding of Chilean regimes.
O’Donnell states “technocrats have a low level of tolerance for…popular sector politicization” which precedes the change in government from populist rule to bureaucratic-authoritarian rule (Collier 27). Within Chile, Augusto Pinochet organized a military coup to overthrow the government ran by Allende, which began the process of his military rule for almost two decades. Before a government can become completely under bureaucratic-authoritarian rule, it must go through political and economic changes as outlined by O’Donnell. Before Pinochet assumed power, Chile continued struggled with the concept of Import Substitution Industrialization (ISI) with a steady decline in import growth from 90% in 1870 to 55% in 1907 (Ma 56). ISI ...
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...urse, and dismantling of a bureaucratic-authoritarian government. O’Donnell’s description of authoritarian regimes allows for a top down explanation of the intricacies involved with the cycle many governments in Latin America have followed. In the case of Chile, the bureaucratic-authoritarian model reveals what positive and negative products can come from authoritarian rule, a regime in which many associate with solely with relentless brutality and criminal interworking.
Works Cited
Collier, David. 1979. “Overview of the Bureaucratic-Authoritarian Model,” in David Collier (ed.) The New Authoritarianism in Latin America. New Jersey: Princeton University Press.
Ma, Shu-Yun. “The Rise and Fall of Bureaucratic-Authoritarianism in Chile.” Studies in Comparative International Development. 34.3 (1999): 51-65. Web. 5 Oct. 2011.
This paper will be exploring the book The Vanguard of the Atlantic World by James Sanders. This book focuses upon the early 1800 to the 1900 and explores the development of South American political system as well expresses some issues that some Latino counties had with Europe and North America. Thus, Sanders focus is on how Latin America political system changes throughout this certain time and how does the surrounding countries have an effect as well on Latin political system. Therefore, the previous statement leads into some insight on what the thesis of the book is. Sanders thesis is, “Latin American’s believed they represented the future because they had adopted Republicanism and democracy while Europe was in the past dealing with monarchs
Models for post-revolutionary Latin American government are born of the complex economic and social realities of 17th and 18th century Europe. From the momentum of the Enlightenment came major political rebellions of the elite class against entrenched national monarchies and systems of power. Within this time period of elitist revolt and intensive political restructuring, the fundamental basis for both liberal and conservative ideology was driven deep into Latin American soil. However, as neither ideology sought to fulfill or even recognize the needs or rights of mestizo people under government rule, the initial liberal doctrine pervading Latin American nations perpetuated racism and economic exploitation, and paved the way for all-consuming, cultural wars in the centuries to come.
All throughout the 20th century we can observe the marked presence of totalitarian regimes and governments in Latin America. Countries like Cuba, Chile, Brazil, Argentina, Nicaragua and the Dominican Republic all suffered under the merciless rule of dictators and military leaders. Yet the latter country, the Dominican Republic, experienced a unique variation of these popular dictatorships, one that in the eyes of the world of those times was great, but in the eyes of the Dominicans, was nothing short of deadly.
In the beginning, Rafael Trujillo was a fruitful and beneficial leader to the country of the Dominican Republic. Trujillo reduced foreign debt and made the country more profitable, mainly because he was an excellent business man. However with this new prosperity, came the loss of the citizen's political liberties (1 “Rafael Trujillo”). Rafael Trujillo may have made the country more profitable, but he still was getting away with taking away innocent citizen’s political liberties.
Winn, Peter. Weavers of Revolution: The Yarur Workers and Chile’s Road to Socialism. New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986. Print.
Time and rules have been transforming countries in many ways; especially, in the 1850’s and the 1920’s, when liberals were firmly in control across Latin American region. Liberalism can be defined as a dominant political philosophy in which almost every Latin American country was affected. A sense of progress over tradition, reason over faith, and free market over government control. Although each country was different, all liberals pursued similar policies. They emphasize on legal equality for all citizens, progress, free trade, anti-slavery, and removing power from church. Liberals declared promising changes for Latin American’s future. But Latin America had a stronger hierarchical society with more labor systems, nothing compare to the United States societies. Liberals weren’t good for Latin America. What I mean by “good” is the creation of a turning point or some type of contribution towards success. I define “good” as beneficial or helpful. The Latin American economy was stagnant between 1820 and 1850 because of independence wars, transportation and the recreation of facilities. I describe this era as, “the era when Latin America when off road”.
Crassweller, Robert D. Trujillo: The life and times of a Caribbean dictator. New York: Macmillan.1966.
Politics in Mexico throughout the course of history has been hostile, to say the least. Like many previously authoritarian regimes, Mexico’s transition into democracy was hard fought. Still today, Mexico’s political system is characterized by political corruption as seen through the influence of the drug cartels and their corporatism and electoral fraud. It is these characteristics that make Mexico a valuable study for comparative politics. While studying Mexico one sees a country that has grown relatively little (due to the aforementioned characteristics of its political system) and is hardly a democracy.
Who has the greater legitimacy to represent the people? The president or the legislatures. In comparing the Chilean 1970 Presidential Election to 1979 Spanish appointment of Adolfo Suirez as Prime Minister, Linz notes “Allende received a six-year mandate for controlling the government even with much less than a majority of the popular vote, while Suirez, with a plurality of roughly the same size, found it necessary to work with other parties to sustain a minority government”. Linz supports the fusion of the executive and legislative branches because it forces a sense of cooperation. He points out that “presidential systems may be more or less dependent on the cooperation of the legislature; the balance between executive and legislative power in such systems can thus vary considerably” Linz admits that “presidential elections do offer the indisputable advantage of allowing the people to choose their chief executive openly, directly, and for a predictable span rather than leaving that decision to the backstage maneuvering of the politicians.” but qualifies it by stating that it is only and beneficial if the majority of the people of spoken. In Scott Mainwaring and Matthew Shugart’s critical appraisal of “The Perils of Presidentialism” they offer counter arguments when they suggest that a bicameral parliament can just as easily have dual legitimacy issues as a President and legislative body. It should be recognized that Linz does not address the checks and balances that allows for a more regulated government ensuring that power is not concentrated in the hands of one group. Nor does he address that elections
Peeler, John A. Latin American Democracies. Chapel Hill, NC and London: The University of North Carolina Press, 1985. Print.
LaFeber, Walter. Inevitable Revolutions: The United States in Central America. New York: W.W. Norton, 1984. Print.
Mignolo, W. D. (2005). The Idea of Latin America (pp. 1-94). Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing.
By the fall of 1981, the Argentinean government under the leadership of General Galtieri and the military junta was experiencing a significant decrease of power. Economical...
In an authoritarian regime there are two kinds of people having their feet stick to the power, the soft-liner and the hardliners both groups present different chemistry in an authoritarian regime. More specifically the authors of the book identify these two groups as “duros” hardliners and blandos as soft-liners. The duros or hardliners are the ones who still believe that continuation of the authoritarian regimes in some cases are possible by ignoring and rejecting democratic reforms. In an authoritative regime these hardliners are composed of various fictions and layers and cling to the idea of position of authoritarian for various purpose and reasons. Some adopt this position to maintain and keep their positions
Wiarda H. J. and Skelley E. M., 2005, Dilemmas of Democracy in Latin America: Crises and Opportunity, Rowman and Littlefield Publishers Inc