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The Civil Rights Movement in the US
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Blood Done Sign My Name, penned by Timothy Tyson in 2004, “is both memoir and history” that unflinchingly centers on the complex chronicle of race relations in North Carolina (Tyson 323). Through the author’s attempt to rediscover “the other South” – the South that has been systematically obliterated from history, the memoir suggests that white Americans must candidly confront its society’s segregated past if they are to genuinely reconcile. There can only be restorative justice if the perpetrators – white supremacists and neo-confederates – acknowledge their wrongdoings and society takes steps to amend them. The world is living histories. For instance, communities speak the languages that are inherited from the past and, practice cultural and religious traditions that have not been created on the spur of a moment. In this sense, acknowledging history is essential for rooting people in time. Nonetheless, sometimes a dreadful past can inhibit a country to undertake its own history. For example, the United States has long been telling …show more content…
their people the tale of a notable, civic and non-violent movement that created a more inclusive America where equality triumphs. However, this tale is narrated inversely in Blood Done Sign My Name, as Tyson details into how Oxford closed its public recreation facilities to prevent integration, how Marrow's indicted murderers were publicly condemned, yet acquitted, and how the 1898 massacre of African American in Wilmington, which overthrew Reconstruction, was forgotten and censored. In an overall impression, the content of the memoir destroys the more recent and clean version of the Civil Rights Movement. As Tyson continue to recount, the town's newspaper’s records of the murder and the massacre were mysteriously removed from local public archives. This aspect lucidly reveals how white supremacist and neo-confederates have manipulated historical memory and “ignored all evidence to the contrary to make enthusiasm for the Confederacy posthumously unanimous” (Tyson, 172). Emphatically, this attempt is injudicious because it prevents America from learning the reality, and thus cannot recognize its menacing past. Consequently, it results the prideful country to appear oblivious and coward to the world. It also results in individuals unknowingly deny history; therefore they omit the fullest sense of self and shared community, that their personal development and responsible citizenship depend on. Furthermore, the Civil Rights Movement would not have been a success if blood was not shed, if sacrifices were not made, if weapons were not used as a mean of self-defense and riots. Such knowledge should be made accessible to and confronted by America, to resolve the disarming myth, to honor those who sacrificed for equality, and essentially, to restore justice. This confrontation, is not only courageous, but it also assists to redeem, reflect and release one from regrets from having to witness, or to learn about various inhuman treatments and bloodshed during the so-called ‘peaceful’ movement. However, even though acknowledging the past carries substantial benefits, some people choose to ignore history and only to focus on the present. Some people, including popular figures like the Buddha, Derek Walcott, Andre Maurois, or Denis Waitley, firmly believe that avoid dwelling in the past is the key to happiness.
It is because, in certain situations, history can heave painful and embarrassing memories, as demonstrated in the tone of repentance in Tyson’s reflection. Hence, refusing to confront the past appears inevitable for many human beings in the effort of maintaining the ‘welfare’ of their psyches. However, in this situation of post-Civil Rights Era’s misapprehension, a candid confrontation can remedy the ignorance and passiveness of America, as it will explain what they are reconciling for and, why, while helping America to restore its root. In addition, it is also imperative to not confuse between acknowledging the past and being accused for what happened. Only then can the United States of America fully heal and mingle with its nowadays-multicultural
society.
C. Vann Woodward, who died in 1999 at the age of 91, was America's most Southern historian and the winner of a Pulitzer Prize, for Mary Chestnut's Civil War. He’s also a Bancroft Prize for The Origins of the New South. In honor of his long and adventurous career, Oxford is pleased to publish this special commemorative edition of Woodward's most influential work, The Strange Career of Jim Crow. The Strange Career of Jim Crow is one of the great works of Southern history. The book actually helped shape that historical curve of black liberation; it’s not slowed movement; it’s more like a rollercoaster.
In his book, Blood Done Sign My Name, the author Timothy Tyson tells the story of the highly combustible racial atmosphere in the American South before, during, and after the Jim Crow era. Unlike Margaret Mitchell’s account of the glory and grandeur of the Antebellum South, Tyson exposes the reader to the horrific and brutal reality that the black race experienced on a daily basis. Tyson highlights the double standard that existed during this period in history, arguing that the hypocrisy of the “white” southern judicial system allowed the murder of a young black African-American male at the hands of white racists to go unpunished (Tyson 2004, 244).
African-Americans aged 12 and up are the most victimized group in America. 41.7 over 1,000 of them are victims of violent crimes, compared with whites (36.3 over 1,000). This does not include murder. Back then during the era of the Jim Crow laws, it was even worse. However, during that time period when there were many oppressed blacks, there were many whites who courageously defied against the acts of racism, and proved that the color of your skin should not matter. This essay will compare and contrast two Caucasian characters by the names of Hiram Hillburn (The Mississippi Trial, 1955) and Celia Foote (The Help), who also went against the acts of prejudice.
In her Fire in a Canebrake, Laura Wexler describes an important event in mid-twentieth century American race relations, long ago relegated to the closet of American consciousness. In so doing, Wexler not only skillfully describes the event—the Moore’s Ford lynching of 1946—but incorporates it into our understanding of the present world and past by retaining the complexities of doubt and deception that surrounded the event when it occurred, and which still confound it in historical records. By skillfully navigating these currents of deceit, too, Wexler is not only able to portray them to the reader in full form, but also historicize this muddled record in the context of certain larger historical truths. In this fashion, and by refusing to cede to a desire for closure by drawing easy but inherently flawed conclusions regarding the individuals directly responsible for the 1946 lynching, Wexler demonstrates that she is more interested in a larger historical picture than the single event to which she dedicates her text. And, in so doing, she rebukes the doubts of those who question the importance of “bringing up” the lynching, lending powerful motivation and purpose to her writing that sustains her narrative, and the audience’s attention to it.
When we examine the various approaches for the Civil Rights Movement that are discussed in Blood Done Sign My Name we find that there is no one clear answer as to which is more affective, because it was the combination of all three: radical, liberal, and conservative that finally pushed some of what the Civil Rights Movement strived for. No approach on its own was able to do anything, whether it was the nonviolent marches and demonstrations which were not able to grab the attention of the white power structure, or the racially driven violence which simply terrified whites, and which most likely would have done nothing were it not paired with the nonviolent demonstrations as well.
Imagine a historian, author of an award-winning dissertation and several books. He is an experienced lecturer and respected scholar; he is at the forefront of his field. His research methodology sets the bar for other academicians. He is so highly esteemed, in fact, that an article he has prepared is to be presented to and discussed by the United States’ oldest and largest society of professional historians. These are precisely the circumstances in which Ulrich B. Phillips wrote his 1928 essay, “The Central Theme of Southern History.” In this treatise he set forth a thesis which on its face is not revolutionary: that the cause behind which the South stood unified was not slavery, as such, but white supremacy. Over the course of fourteen elegantly written pages, Phillips advances his thesis with evidence from a variety of primary sources gleaned from his years of research. All of his reasoning and experience add weight to his distillation of Southern history into this one fairly simple idea, an idea so deceptively simple that it invites further study.
People attending schools before 1960’s were learning about certain “unscrupulous carpetbaggers”, “traitorous scalawags”, and the “Radical Republicans”(223). According to the historians before the event of 1960’s revision, these people are the reason that the “white community of South banded together to overthrow these “black” governments and restore home rule”(223). While this might have been true if it was not for the fact that the “carpetbaggers were former Union soldiers”, “Scalawags… emerged as “Old Line” Whig Unionists”(227). Eric Foner wrote the lines in his thesis “The New View of Reconstruction” to show us how completely of target the historians before the 1960’s revision were in their beliefs.
Growing up in the South during the 1920’s, Richard Wright, the author of “The Ethics of Living Jim Crow”, written in 1940, portrays the difficulties of life as a young Black man. Born the grandson of slaves and the son of a sharecropper, the largest influence in Wright’s life was his mother (Biography 1). As a young boy with minimal supervision, Wright found himself getting into trouble while fighting with the White boys. While living in Arkansas Wright and his friends would engage in gang violence, it was White vs. Black and the disadvantages of the Black fighters was evident. Only having cinder blocks as weapons and a few pillars to hide behind, the Black boys knew they were fighting a losing battle when the Whites returned fire with broken
The North’s negligence also contributed to the end of Reconstruction. The North had failed to notice the many racially motivated atrocities that occurred in the South durin...
First, Lemann documents horrible accounts of violence against freed blacks. The casual observer views the underlying reasons for these attacks as simple racial hatred. However, Lemann connects the acts of violence to show an orchestrated movement intended to undermine both keys to the freed blacks’ quality of life, organizing abilities and voting rights. Violence against blacks existed for years, but in the form of a master supposedly disciplining his slave. The acts of violence outlined by Lemann show a shift from fear and ignorance to organized intimidation. After all, whites of the time viewed themselves “as protectors of [the] natural order” meaning racial superiority (65). What first started as a fear of being the minority turned quickly to a fear of losing political power and economic wealth. In the end, the use of violence all...
“The history of the American Negro is the history of this strife, – this longing to attain self-consciousness, manhood, to merge his double self into a better and truer self. In this merging he wishes neither of the older selves to be lost. He would not Africanize America, for America has too much to teach the world and Africa. He would not bleach his Negro soul in a flood of white Americanism, for he knows that Negro blood has a message f...
Chafe, William, Raymond Gavins, and Robert Korstad. Remembering Jim Crow. New York: The New Press, 2001.
The Scottsboro Boys saga was a travesty at the time and remains an indelible mark on America’s social, cultural and judicial history. Their plight became a symbol of the oppression faced by black Americans in an America where white supremacy reigned as an accepted fact of life. Now something of folkloric proportion, this example of pervading southern prejudice and gross injustice captures a moment in America’s law and order environment. The Scottsboro Boys trials to this day highlight the climate of enduring racism socially, culturally and embedded in the legal system. Equally, the case shows the uneven application of the law and to some extent, a changing law and order environment.
The patterns of living that the world witnesses today are greatly influenced by history. This is because of the fact that history plays an immense role in forming one’s future; the abundant interactions socially, economically, politically, result in repercussions that can hardly be unraveled. However, this does not in anyway mean that one cannot trace today’s state of affairs back to its roots. Tracing today’s occurrences back to their origin is possible due to the fact that the agents’ (nations) origins are known.
History is a story told over time. It is a way of recreating the past so it can be studied in the present and re-interpreted for future generations. Since humans are the sole beneficiaries of history, it is important for us to know what the purpose of history is and how historians include their own perspective concerning historical events. The purpose and perspective of history is vital in order for individuals to realise how it would be almost impossible for us to live out our lives effectively if we had no knowledge of the past. Also, in order to gain a sound knowledge of the past, we have to understand the political, social and cultural aspects of the times we are studying.