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Multilateralism and small states
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With the decline of traditional strong allies and emergence of potential competitors, Australia has adapted to a different diplomacy, the middle power diplomacy(Beeson 2011). This approach can be dated to when Rudd’s government introduced a creative middle power diplomacy to enhance the nation’s interests(Beeson 2011). A similar stand has been taken in countries such as South Korea and Brazil. The questions lie on what is middle power and why take on this diplomacy? Middle power, though has been a rather ambiguous term, is being defined by Gareth Evans (2012) as a state that neither great nor failing, but has the capacity to impact but not dictate the international system. In the article, I would examine the advantages of taking such a position, …show more content…
Since smaller nations have the tendency to form alliances with more powerful nations, as powerful and wealthier countries are able to exert more political influence. Australia could utilize the position as a middle power to work with smaller countries in the region. As a result, Australia could attain a friendly relationship which will prove to be beneficial in the long term. According to Rod Lyon (2014), academic studies of was display that good relations with neighbours is essential for a peaceful regional community. Australia could contribute much to international political life if it could utilize the advantages it has as being a middle power. Some of the advantages correlate to global interest, for instance, being able to have a bigger role as a bridge between pivotal powers, contribute to the relaxation of global tension, and thus further global interest. Having adopted a middle power stand, Australia has asserted itself being a more prominent voice on global scale, hence it should take up more obligations as a relatively powerful country. In other word, “Where there is great power there is great responsibility”(Churchill 1906) In my opinion, a country should consolidate its force on more alarming
After evaluating the above factors, it is clear that the partnership between Australia and Japan is of significant importance to both countries. With reference to the Centre for Study of Australian-Asian Relations (1997:152) the future prosperity of Australia will to an increasing extent, be dependent on that of her neighbours in the Asia-Pacific area. Currently the Australia-Japan relationship could be described as “comfortable and relaxed”. However both Australia and Japan need to be alert to the changing environment and must ensure that the right frameworks and policy settings are in place in order for the two countries to prosper.
The only time Australia has come under direct attack from another country, was when Japan bombed Darwin and sunk a number of ships in Sydney, during World War 2. The question then has to be asked, why Australia has been involved in so many conflicts. A number of recent conflicts in this century come to mind, they include, The Boer War, World War One, World War Two and The Vietnam War. By far the conflict that drew the most outrage from Australian citizens was the Vietnam War. Australia has been drawn into these conflicts through a number of treaties and alliances made with other countries. Often it is not the conflicts that have drawn most outrage from Australian citizens, rather the insistence of other countries, for Australia to accept large numbers of post-war refugees.
There is a high degree of complexity in this question. Should Australia, as a mature nation, be taking part in moral issues around the world even though they are not happening on our doorstep? Do we ignore the deaths in Bosnia, the starving millions in Biafra and Ethiopia, the worldwide environmental issues raised by Greenpeace? What is the purpose of developing alliances, both economic and military, with other countries? At stake, in all of these issues, is our desire for a better world to live in.
The country I will be using for an example of imperialism is England. England imperialize South Africa, Canada, Australia, and India. The British Empire became the largest empire spanning over 35 million square kilometers in 1913.
A middle power is a country that uses its influence on issues which are perceived as “minor” in the scale of international politics – often because the great powers are too busy with other incidents1. influential through soft power and multilateralism. Soft power can be defined as having a culture and policies that appeal to other states2. A middle power is also influential because its policies are credible and it is an independent state3. Essentially what this means is that a middle power takes part in international politics (and in doing so, has an influential role) through international organizations and also through multilateral discussions – often during crises. Canada played the role of middle power exceptionally well in the two decades following World War Two by taking part in international organizations and playing an influential role in multilateral discussions.
Murray and McCoy discussed the security of having a middle power foreign policy and why it is bad to have a co-peace-building foreign policy. During the Cold War, Canada had a protection strategy on how to protect itself while at the ...
Shiraev, Eric B., and Vladislav M. Zubok. International Relations. New York: Oxford University Press, 2014.
In no field other than politics does the justification for action often come from a noteworthy event and the true cause stays hidden behind the headlines. The United States’ transformation from a new state to a global superpower has been a methodical journey molded by international conditions (the global terrain for statecraft), the role of institutions and their programmed actions, and ultimately, the interests of actors (the protection of participants in making policy’s items and i...
In both historical and contemporary contexts, gender has had a significant impact on space, power, and social rules of the land. Colonialism and globalisation have further shaped this social process through the perspectives of capital and possessions creating legitimized colonial maps. Such shaping of the space and maps can be attributed to the attempts of exclusion and forced assimilation whether through the gentrification of urban areas or through attempts to deny the sovereignty, for the generation of profit. This has resulted in the denigration of traditional conditions of women around the globe and in particular Aboriginal women in Australia. This essay will map the historical role of colonialism and neocolonialism in refashioning the geography of Australia in a racialised, patriarchal landscape and highlight how this has contributed to the spatially specific ‘ongoing dispossession’ of Indigenous peoples within Australia.. To further demonstrate this, I will focus on the mapping and the development of Australian landscape historically, as well as the spatial representation in the colonial processes attached to this.
When the Declaration of Independence was signed July 4th, 1776, the United States of America was born. From then on, things have never been the same. For example, the country was no longer under the control of Great Britain; we became our own democracy away from monarchy rule of Great Britain. One policy of America that has changed dramatically over the past 200 years, and will continue to change in the coming years, is foreign policy. The idea of foreign policy has gone from the Roosevelt Corollary to the Truman Doctrine, to the Domino Theory, just in the 20th century.
To understand the power struggle relating to foreign policymaking, it is crucial to understand what foreign policy entails. The Foreign Policy Agenda of the U.S. Department of State declares the goals of foreign policy as "to build and sustain a more democratic, secure, and prosperous world for the benefit of the American people and the international community." While this definition is quite vague, the actual tools of foreign policy include Diplomacy, foreign aid, and military force.
The first paradigm of international relations is the theory of Realism. Realism is focused on ideas of self-interest and the balance of power. Realism is also divided into two categories, classical realism and neo-realism. Famous political theorist, Hans Morgenthau was a classical realist who believed that national interest was based on three elements, balance of power, military force, and self interest (Kleinberg 2010, 32). He uses four levels of analysis to evaluate the power of a state. The first is that power and influence are not always the same thing. Influence means the ability to affect the decision of those who have the power to control outcomes and power is the ability to determine outcomes. An example of influence and power would be the UN’s ability to influence the actions of states within the UN but the state itself has the power to determine how they act. Morgenthau goes on to his next level of analysis in which he explains the difference in force and power in the international realm. Force is physical violence, the use of military power but power is so much more than that. A powerful state can control the actions of another state with the threat of force but not actually need to physical force. He believed that the ability to have power over another state simply with the threat of force was likely to be the most important element in analysis the power of as state (Kleinberg 2010, 33-34).
Schmidt, B. C. (2007). Realism and facets of power in international relations. In F. Berenskoetter & M. J. D. Williams (Eds.), Power in world politics (pp. 43-63). London: Routledge.
Liberalism assumes that the war and can be policed by the institutional reforms that empower the international organizations and law.
The study of international relations takes a wide range of theoretical approaches. Some emerge from within the discipline itself others have been imported, in whole or in part, from disciplines such as economics or sociology. Indeed, few social scientific theories have not been applied to the study of relations amongst nations. Many theories of international relations are internally and externally contested, and few scholars believe only in one or another. In spite of this diversity, several major schools of thought are discernable, differentiated principally by the variables they emphasize on military power, material interests, or ideological beliefs. International Relations thinking have evolved in stages that are marked by specific debates between groups of scholars. The first major debate is between utopian liberalism and realism, the second debate is on method, between traditional approaches and behavioralism. The third debate is between neorealism/neoliberalism and neo-Marxism, and an emerging fourth debate is between established traditions and post-positivist alternatives (Jackson, 2007).