An Analysis of Andrea Smith’s Heteropatriarchy and the three Pillars of White Supremacy in Canadian Women’s History
This analysis of Andrea Smith’s “Heteropatriarchy and the Three Pillars of White Supremacy” define the important aspects of revolving sense of oppression from slavery/capitalism, genocide/colonialism, and orientalism/war in Canadian history. The institution of slavery and the capitalist system tended to structure power around the ability of Canadian male officials to enslave women as a type of servant workforce in the black community For example, Canadian women’s history will define the effects of the Treaty of Paris as an example of slavery capitalism, since it created a monetary system that was based around exploiting labor in the female population: “One effect of this transfer in power is the legal strengthening of slavery in Canada. At this time, 1500 Black slaves have landed in Canada
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(Vancouver Status of Women, 2008, p.7). In this manner, the collaboration between French and English superpowers allowed this patriarchal dominance to continue in the global system of capitalism in the Canadian colonies: “A capitalist system cannot exist within any framework except that of a world-economy” (Wallerstein, 2004, p.766). This is an important example of Smith’s argument defines how the historical foundation of the treaty of Paris allowed slavery and commoditized blacks: This racial hierarchy tells people that as long as you are not Black, you have the opportunity to escape the commodification of capitalism” (p.67).
This type of economic reveals how women were institutionally enslaved through a …show more content…
world-system of capitalistic exploitation within the historical aspects of Canadian colonialism under the treaty of Paris. The next heteropatriarchal pillar that Smith (2006) defines is based on the correlating system of genocide that reduced indigenous populations through geographic displacement and alienation from white settler communities: “Native peoples are indeed vanishing and that the conquest of native land is justified” (p.68). Canadian racial structures were built off of the same American system of genocide that removed indigenous peoples fro their land and forced them into exile in poverty, hunger, and death. For instance, the formation of the Confederation of 1867 defines the British North America Act, which makes Canada a nation and it gives them the jurisdiction to control Indigenous land rights: Under Section 91(24), the BNA gives the federal government of Canada exclusive jurisdiction over the administration of Indigenous People and lands reserved for Indigenous People (Vancouver Status of women, 2008, p.10). These legal conditions are an extension of the white hegemonic racism that effected women of color as being without the right to land and to a place within the new government.
This pattern is not unlike that of the United States, which continually used the framework of nationalism as a way in which to remove Indigenous Peoples as a form of apartheid that destroyed their economy and forced into a genocidal system of elimination. This aspect of genocide is part of the removal or murder of Indigenous Peoples, which is also part of white supremacy as a legal code: “it has never been against U.S. law to commit genocide against indigenous peoples” (Smith, 2006, p.70). Apparently, this same rule of law applied in the formation of Canada as a nation, which gave no lands rights to the Indigenous population, and forcibly attacked and removed them from its
territories. Finally, the third pillar that Smith (2006) defines is another heteropatriarchal facet of the ferocity of white supremacy under the law and the devastation of war that permitted white settlers to attack Indigenous Peoples through violence. The rotation of continual disintegration of Indigenous rights in the United States defines the false pretenses of legal rights for native Americans through treaty agreements that promised them land on reservations. However, the use of the American military on these people define a similar paralleled of how Indigenous Peoples suffered under false contracts and through forced removal by military aggression. This type of white supremacy demonized the Indigenous Peoples as being racially inferior through the concept of Orientalism, as it is currently used against Arabs in today’s world: “The logic of Orientalism marks certain peoples or nations as inferior ands as posing a constant threat to the well-being of empire” (Smith, 2006, p.68). In Canadian history, the formation of the Act for the Gradual Assimilation of Indian Peoples of 1868 quickly followed legislation after Canada became its own sovereign nation: “Under this policy the Indian Act becomes a key legislative tool for assimilation” (Vancouver Status of Women, 2008, p.10). This type of racial alienation laid the foundation for creating an inferior race, which was not deemed as intelligent or civilized as the predominately white Eurocentric Canadian government. Also, the Canadian government validated its military aggression against Indigenous Peoples through this type of racist policy, which gave them carte blanche to murder and kill entire communities. The Indian Act of 1868 would eventually lead to adjustments to statute adjustments in 1898 that “allowed Indigenous People to be forcibly removed from reserves adjacent to or partly within towns of 800 inhabitants or more” (Vancouver Status of Women, 2008, p.17). Edward Said defines the historical racism of white supremacy that assumes that people of color are primitive and without civilized behaviors since it “allows one to se new things, things seen for the first time, as versions of a previously known thing” (p.804). Said’s (year?) classic realization of Orientalism defies how Smith (2006) defies the American example of racial superiority and legal violence as a policy that was quickly adapted by the Canadian government.
To begin, Wigmore argues that there is an important relationship between slavery and the borders which allowed the slaves their freedom. Wigmore develops this idea by introducing his reader to personal case studies. He provides context by giving a historical as well as personal narratives of runaway slaves. He uses that narrative to than explore the historical laws and amendments that were created on the basis of slavery. In particular, Wigmore looks at two contradictory laws; the Upper Canada’s 1793 antislavery act which “forbade the introduction of new slaves into their respective jurisdictions” and the Jay Treaty of 1794 which “protected the private property of British subjects living in the region prior to the American takeover in 1796, and that such property included slaves.” Wigmore demonstrates through the use of personal stories how these two acts were contradictory and confusing for the habitants of both countries.
Srigley looks at women’s employment in terms of the effects of intersecting factors of race, ethnicity, marital status, gender and class. She argues that: “Anglo-Celtic dominance created both privileges and disadvantages for female workers who had differing access to employment.” Srigley states that: “Canadian feminist historians . . . have paid significantly less attention to race than to gender as an analyti...
In Canada, women make up slightly more than half of the population. However, throughout Canadian history and modern day, women are needing to stand up for themselves and other women to bring about change. Canadian women are strong and have the power to work together and bring about change. Jennie Trout stood up for Canadian women that wanted to be in the medical field, women during WWI made a difference in their lives by entering the workplace and standing for their right to work, Nellie McClung was a leader for women’s suffrage, and The Famous Five campaigned and won The “Persons” Case allowing women to be considered persons under the Canadian Constitution. These women were instigators of change. Change for women only occurs when ambitious and courageous women stand up for a difference that they deserve.
A Critical Analysis of Racism in Canadian Law and the “Unmapping” of the White Settler Society in “When Place Becomes Race” by Sherene H. Razack
In the year 1957, Canada elected its first Prime minister without English or French root, John Diefenbaker. While growing up in the city of Toronto, because of his German name, he was often teased. [1] He grew up as an outcast, and so he was able to relate to the discrimination and inequality many of the minorities in Canada felt. This essay will attempt to answer the question: To what extent did Prime Minister John Diefenbaker help promote equality to the minority communities. . The minorities in this time period were the women, aboriginals, and immigrants. During his time as the Prime Minister, he was able to help protect the rights of this group because many of their rights were being abused by the society. Diefenbaker also helped the minorities to stand up for themselves and other groups. Diefenbaker was able to bring positive change to the minority communities by making an official Bill of Rights and appointing people of discriminated groups to the parliament while other members did not.
Before World War I, equality for woman and men were very unfair. Woman weren’t even legally “persons”; they weren’t allowed to join parliament or the senate because they weren’t legally “persons”, therefore these jobs were occupied by men only. During World War I and World War II, many men had left for war, thus meaning there were many job openings that needed to be occupied as soon as possible, women then began to take on stereotypical male jobs which men thought women couldn’t do or couldn’t do as well. Women showed their capabilities and realized they shouldn’t be considered less than men. In retaliation of not being considered “persons”, women decided to take action. The famous five brought the persons case upon the supreme court of Canada in 1927, which was finally determined by Judicial Council of Britain's Privy Council in 1929. The “persons” case involved women not legally being “persons”. After the famous five won the case, women were legally considered “persons” then women began to join important jobs such as members of parliament and the senate. Along with becoming “persons”, women were beginning to get their right to vote in provinces slowly. In 1916, four provinces gave women the right to vote provincially and, finally, in 1940, the last province (Quebec) gave women the right to vote provincially. Later, in World War II, there was another change in
Steckley, J., & Cummins, B. D. (2008). Full circle: Canada's First Nations (2nd ed.). Toronto:
The discrimination suffered by the “ethnic Canadians” increased during the war was inflicted by both society and the government. An example of the discrimination suffered by “ethnic Canadians” is Sarah Mann, a Canadian-German living though World War 1. Before the people of the town knew she was of German descent, she lived a normal life. But, that all changed when they found out; they vandalized her house by breaking the windows, painting harsh words in red paint or blood, which is overall person to person discrimination. However, throughout the war, it was not just the Canadian-Germans who suffered from discrimination, all ethnicities either than English-Canadian or French-Canadian. Also, they did not only receive discrimination through vandalism, and other person to person discrimination, “ethnic Canadians” faced discrimination by the Canadian government. The governments’ discrimination was caused by the pressure of frightened public experiencing panic because of the Great War. Therefore, the government took action by passing the Wartime Elections Act and the Wartime Measures Act. The Wartime Elections act meant the “ethnic Canadians” would lose their right to vote. The “ethnic Canadians” would also be put into concentration camps or have to register to the police on a regular basis. The historical significance...
Do you know that despite Canada being called multicultural and accepting, Canada’s history reveals many secrets that contradicts this statement? Such an example are Canadian aboriginals, who have faced many struggles by Canadian society; losing their rights, freedoms and almost, their culture. However, Native people still made many contributions to Canadian society. Despite the efforts being made to recognize aboriginals in the present day; the attitudes of European Canadians, acts of discrimination from the government, and the effects caused by the past still seen today have proven that Canadians should not be proud of Canada’s history with respect to human rights since 1914. First, is because of the attitudes of European Canadians towards aboriginals, which were mostly cruel and inhumane.
Harold Cardinal made a bold statement in his book, The Unjust Society, in 1969 about the history of Canada’s relationship with Aboriginal peoples. His entire book is, in fact, a jab at Pierre Elliott Trudeau’s idea of ‘the just society’. Pierre Elliott Trudeau made great assumptions about First Nations people by declaring that Aboriginal people should be happy about no longer being described as Indian. His goal was to rid Canada of Indians by assimilating them into the Canadian framework. Considered by many as a progressive policy, Trudeau’s white paper demonstrates just how accurate the following statement made by Harold Cardinal at the beginning of his book is : “The history of Canada’s Indians is a shameful chronicle of the white man’s disinterest,
Thompson, John Herd, and Mark Paul Richard. "Canadian History in North American Context." In Canadian studies in the new millennium. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2008. 37-64.
Due to the a sentence of working men's, women were suggested to do men’s work, such as making clothes for oversea men, filling bullets and shell bombs with materials, and many more occupations and works that were once the ‘privilege’ only to men. After WWI ended, women were forced to leave their occupation and return back to their life as typical ‘house maids’. This did not only cause the women’s anger and rebellion due to the fact that their jobs were taken away from them, but it also planted seeds deeply within women’s hearts of the consciousness of gender inequality. Before women in Canada had ever taken on jobs before, their lives were all about pleasing their men and baring, caring for their children. Women did not have a life of their own before the famous The Person’s case, led by Emily Murphy, Irene Marryat Parlby, Nellie Mooney McClung, Louise Crummy McKinney and Henrietta Muir Edward; however , that is to say after the women in the prairies had granted votes for them. To resume, the newly funded experience for the women due to their new jobs had sparked the courage and anger in them. This can also explain the year of women first received their rights to vote in 1916, barely two years after the outbreak of WWI. While women’s men were away fighting during WWI, votes were given to women during conscription so that the wives could vote in place of their husband.
Systemic discrimination has been a part of Canada’s past. Women, racial and ethnic minorities as well as First Nations people have all faced discrimination in Canada. Policies such as, Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial and federal Human Rights Codes, as well has various employment equity programs have been placed in Canada’s constitution to fight and address discrimination issues. Despite these key documents placed for universal rights and freedoms Aboriginal and other minority populations in Canada continue to be discriminated against. Many believe there is no discrimination in Canada, and suggest any lack of success of these groups is a result of personal decisions and not systemic discrimination. While others feel that the legislation and equality policies have yet resulted in an equal society for all minorities. Racism is immersed in Canadian society; this is clearly shown by stories of racial profiling in law enforcement.
“Honey, you’re not a person, now get back in the kitchen and make me a sandwich!” If a husband were to say these words to his wife today, he would likely receive a well-deserved smack to the face. It is not until recently that Canadian women have received their status as people and obtained equal rights as men. Women were excluded from an academic education and received a lesser pay than their male counter parts. With the many hardships women had to face, women were considered the “slave of slaves” (Women’s Rights). In the past century, women have fought for their rights, transitioning women from the point of being a piece of property to “holding twenty-five percent of senior positions in Canada” (More women in top senior positions: Report). The Married Women’s Property Act, World War I, The Person’s Case, and Canadian Human Rights Act have gained Canadian women their rights.
Presenting a perverse representation of the relationship between European colonizers and Indigenous communities of Canada, Kent Monkman’s paintings depict a revolutionary perception of Canadian history. The first half of this half essay will analyze the inverse of Said’s orientalist power dynamics by Monkman, while the second half will analyze the cultural and moral power that Monkman challenges.