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The results of selfishness
The results of selfishness
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This paper explores Aristotle’s sentiment, “that man is a political animal”, as interpreted by Tannenbaum in his work, Inventors of Ideas (2012, p. 35). Thus, it seeks to elaborate on this writer’s interpretation of Aristotle’s intent with this statement. Additionally, this analysis incorporates this writer’s opinion about Aristotle’s perspective as it relates to political and social science in the twenty first century; specifically, it’s this writer’s position that Aristotle’s viewpoint about the actions of the “political animals” within our polis is, indeed, relevant to our modern day politics. That is to say, we seem to have passed an inflection point in our recent political institutions, which has propelled us to the brink of sanity. Hence, our polis is now experiencing, and suffering, the consequences of the irrational behaviors of the “beasts” within our social and …show more content…
political spheres (Tannenbaum, 2012, p.35).
Thus, if we are not cautious, we may plunge ourselves off of the cliff of democracy and meet our own demise in the chasm of fascism. Indeed, political and social scientists in today’s world might benefit from reflecting back to Aristotle’s interpretation as a means of identifying the “beasts” and “gods” in various democratic and non-democratic regimes around the world today.
To begin, this writer interprets Aristotle’s vision of “man is a political animal” to mean that man’s disposition is dependent on the natural order of life. “Hence it is evident that the state is a creation of nature, and that man is by nature a political animal” (Liberty Fund, Inc., 2008). That is to say, that man is an individual within the community, within the state; therefore, he is
a subject and/or participant in the polis within the community, within the state. Moreover, Aristotle’s perception of the polis’ telos, symbolizes his belief that human happiness is the indicator of strength within any polis. Hence, he characterizes the clear delineation between decisions and actions of individuals and the collective as being either rational or irrational, as these mechanisms of judgment are what impact people’s level of happiness, both on an individual and collective level. For example, when rational reason is applied, the level of happiness within the individual increases, thereby increasing the level of happiness within the community and subsequently the polis. Conversely, when irrational reason is applied, the opposite effect occurs and happiness is decreased within the polis, the community, and down at the individual level. Correspondingly, it is only man, or humans, who possess the capability of reason and speech, which further supports Aristotle’s claim of man’s natural disposition being political. In other words, it is by nature’s design that man was given the capacity to think and verbalize thoughts through communication, therefore, man uses his reason and speech to spawn change in the telos within the polis, ergo, “man is a political animal” (Tannenbaum, 2012 p.35). Secondly, it is this writer’s opinion that Aristotle’s concept is apropos for modern day political and social scientists as it is useful in gathering empirical data, through identifying the matter which risks the efficacy of any given polis’ telos (Gaffaney, Lecture 7, 2016). To clarify, when applying Aristotle’s logic, scientists can categorize the rational and irrational behaviors of world leaders, and/or potential leaders, in an effort to measure the risks or benefits their behaviors will have on their nation-state’s polity. In fact, this very logic is applied in two critical datasets which political and social scientists use to measure democracy and freedom, or what Aristotle would consider the telos, within nation-states. In particular, they are the Polity IV and the Freedom in the World indices. While each differs in their measurement approaches for democracy (minimalist versus maximalist), they are both essential tools for examining the health of any polis worldwide. To elaborate, Aristotle’s point of view is a fundamental concern we are experiencing today within our United States legislature, as well as with corporate interests: “The good polis can never be a place where a mere collection of people pursue the private interest in a public arena. When men set themselves apart from the polis by satisfying personal concerns, they harm the community” (Tannenbaum, 2012, p.35) This writer believes that this sentiment applies to the significant issue of wealth inequality in our country at present. Where man, “as a political animal”, has become irrational and has begun heavily pursuing private interest to the detriment of the polis. Most notably, we may recall the near collapse of our banking industry in 2008. With this in mind, it was the greed of the men who set themselves apart by implementing unscrupulous lending practices, and the lawmakers who contributed to the deregulation of the oversight which should have identified and prevented this irrational behavior from happing. Thus, the polis of the United States suffered deeply, and is still reeling from the effects of these actions by the “mere collection” of the banking and legislative “beasts”, which perpetuated this crisis – we call these people, “the 1%”. In conclusion, this exploration argues in support of Aristotle’s conception about the nature of man as a political animal being relevant to our modern day political and social scientists. Moreover, it is this writer’s opinion that Aristotle, if alive today, might perceive the socioeconomic and political issue of inequality as a gross deviation from his idea of the golden mean, thus interpreting our polis to be in a dire position. “The task of the good polis is to determine the proper mean in those things it must regulate, and translate that mean into its laws” (Tannenbaum, 2012, p.35). He might be appalled at how man’s behavior, has led us down a dismal path through a series of irrational acts. For example, the banking crisis, and the decision to remove the dictatorship of Saddam Hussein, which has in turn, creates a vacuum in the Middle East and gives rise to the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant. On the contrary, he might also be enamored by the depth and breadth at which our scientists have examined the matter which constitutes his vision of the telos within the polis. Specifically, as it relates to his notion of man as a political animal, and how man propagates differing forms of government through rational and irrational reason and actions, as well as the positive and negative impact of man’s reasoning on the liberties of the individuals within the communities and within our polis (Gaffaney, Lecture 7, 2016).
The dilemma starts off with the dispute between who assert that the policial or active life is the most choice-worthy and those asserting that the philosophic way of life is the best. Aristotle continues to explain three different opinions of what makes a happy course for a government. Firstly, some people ruling neighboring cities”
In what follows, I shall consider Aristotle's’ argument of the polis, or the city-state, as presented in his Politics I.2, and expound on the philosophical implications of this particular thesis; namely, a thesis which claims that the city-state exists by nature, and correspondingly, that a human being is ‘by nature a political animal’. Along the way, I shall present two objections leveled against each claim. The first pertains to the invalidity of the argument on ends; specifically, I shall protest that when a thing’s process of coming to be is completed, even if we regard this as an end, this does not necessarily confer that such an end is a natural end, for artificial processes too, like natural processes, share the potential to arrive at ends. The second pertains to the ‘part-whole’ argument, which in a sense takes from the argument of function. Here, I shall discuss that it is not quite clear whether the claim that human beings - as parts of the whole - are necessarily political animals, and so the view that the state is ‘prior by nature’ is uncertain. After that, I will present two Aristotelian responses against these objections; and judge whether or not these appear succeed. I conclude that he is correct in asserting that the city-state exists by nature, and correspondingly, that a human being is a political animal.
As the wise Plato once said, “Tyranny naturally arises out of Democracy.” It appears Plato was in fact wise beyond his years. He must have known that something in may prove him right in the future. This proof comes from Fascism during the years between World Wars. Fascism thrived during the interwar years because its eloquent leaders made the people to whom they spoke feel important to the common cause. In Italy and Germany especially, Hitler and Mussolini gave the people tasks in order to make them believe that they were significant. All of the events that transpired because of these two men played out when the leaders targeted the emotions of the people. Two men changed the face of history forever with powerful oratories, intricate parades, and clever propaganda meant to make the people of their respective countries feel in control, significant, and powerful.
39). This showing a slight similarity to the right of nature by Hobbes. That is, until man is forged into community and civilization. In which the matter of liberty forces certain individuals into chains. How individuals satisfied their state of nature during the development of communities changes to what he describes the descent from the State of Nature. Private property or slavery exemplifies that man surrenders not to the sovereign of one but that of the interest of General Will. As individuals become apart of the civil state liberty is determined by the agreement of laws under the social contract. By abiding by these common laws certain liberty is masked by obedience. While the sovereign suggests unity under General it reveals inequality that men have among each other.
Moore, J.M. Aristotle and Xenophon on Democracy and Oligarchy. Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1983.
A longstanding debate in human history is what to do with power and what is the best way to rule. Who should have power, how should one rule, and what its purpose should government serve have always been questions at the fore in civilization, and more than once have sparked controversy and conflict. The essential elements of rule have placed the human need for order and structure against the human desire for freedom, and compromising between the two has never been easy. It is a question that is still considered and argued to this day. However, the argument has not rested solely with military powers or politicians, but philosophers as well. Two prominent voices in this debate are Plato and Machiavelli, both of whom had very different ideas of government's role in the lives of its people. For Plato, the essential service of government is to allow its citizens to live in their proper places and to do the things that they are best at. In short, Plato's government reinforces the need for order while giving the illusion of freedom. On the other hand, Machiavelli proposes that government's primary concern is to remain intact, thereby preserving stability for the people who live under it. The feature that both philosophers share is that they attempt to compromise between stability and freedom, and in the process admit that neither can be totally had.
“To understand political power right, and derive it from its original, we must consider, what state all men are naturally in, and that is, a state of perfect freedom…” (2.8).
In Chapter 4 of Political Thinking; the Perennial Questions, Tinder raises the question of whether social order can be maintained without power. The argument of whether humans are estranged or naturally good plays a large part in deciding this question. Tinder hits on two major topics before coming to his ultimate decision. The first is that human nature can be linked to reason as both a cognitive and a moral tool that can be used to live without a specific source of power. In other words, people with a strong sense of morality can suffice without the need of an organized government. It is then argued that the concept of natural occurring interests between a society successfully taps into the fear that social order is spontaneous, disregarding whether people are generally good or bad. The example of free enterprise is given, regarding humans as selfish and materialistic. With this an idea for government to protect property and create stability in currency arose while trying not to encroach on personal freedoms.
According to Plato, Socrates means that human nature shapes out politics. Where in Book 2, Socrates and the companions discuss how one behaves depends on his human nature, for example, Socrates discusses about how it is human nature to keep one’s body healthy. (Plato, 1992, p. 33). H...
Plato states that as the just city (i.e. an aristocratic society) develops, it will inadvertently fall into depravity, because despite the excellent constitutions of its wise leaders, they are still fallible human beings. He outlines four distinct forms of government—of which he considers to be depraved—that the just city will transform into, with each one being worse than its predecessors. The four systems, which are ordered by their appearances in the line of succession, are: timocracy, oligarchy, democracy and finally tyranny. The focus of this essay will be on Plato’s criticisms of democracy. Since democracy is recognized and practiced by most of modern western societies, it is especially relevant and important to examine whether this model
In his discussions of constitutions and cities in Politics, Aristotle makes it very clear that his top priority is to provide people with the opportunity to pursue and achieve the good life. An integral part of this is the stability of the constitution. Although Aristotle explicitly states that a kingship is the best system of rule for any given generation, its lack of stability from one generation to the next disqualifies it from being the best in reality. In his attempts to find a constitution with stability, Aristotle comes to the decision that the middle class would be the ruler of such a constitution. This, he says, will minimize the corruption that can easily take place within the rich or the poor, and will ensure lasting stability. In order to enable the middle class to take a role of power, Aristotle allows them to obtain wealth, and more specifically private property—a huge diversion from the opinion of Aristotle’s mentor, Plato put forth in the Republic.
However, Plato now describes the Democracy that has been implemented by the lower classes with the aim of leading onto the democratic character. With new freedom and liberty, the average individual will arran...
Hobbes’ Leviathan and Locke’s Second Treatise of Government comprise critical works in the lexicon of political science theory. Both works expound on the origins and purpose of civil society and government. Hobbes’ and Locke’s writings center on the definition of the “state of nature” and the best means by which a society develops a systemic format from this beginning. The authors hold opposing views as to how man fits into the state of nature and the means by which a government should be formed and what type of government constitutes the best. This difference arises from different conceptions about human nature and “the state of nature”, a condition in which the human race finds itself prior to uniting into civil society. Hobbes’ Leviathan goes on to propose a system of power that rests with an absolute or omnipotent sovereign, while Locke, in his Treatise, provides for a government responsible to its citizenry with limitations on the ruler’s powers.
ABSTRACT: It is interesting to see Aristotle's observation of natural law in order to renew the ideal of law against the Marxist theory of society, to renounce the normative theory of the nation, and to study the liberal theory of information. All this allows us to expect the realization of social justice and human rights from the institutionalization of markets (agora) and the precondition of the boundary of the general culture (paideia), namely the communitarian ethics and the moral reformation against the genealogist tradition. We find in the tradition inaugurated by Aristotle the function of ethical discussion about the common good, thus imbricating the differences stratified by the economic evolution in the polis.
An ideal society is in practice a rather difficult aim and even an impossible aim to achieve. Politics implies measures which could and should, in the views of their devisor, be implemented in the hope to create a better society, than that which is already present. The very fact that Plato and Aristotle saw imperfections in the societies in which they lived, prompted them to write their political philosophies. These philosophies provided the first written recognition of politics. In his writings his "The Politics", Aristotle states that "Man is by nature a political animal"(The Politics, 1) in another words, it lies deep within the instinct of man.