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Essay on equal protection clause
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Essay on equal protection clause
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The Equal protection clause forbids states from engaging in “racial gerrymandering.” Racial gerrymandering occurs when a state relies on race to draw up boundaries of one or more specific electoral districts. Such gerrymandering is impermissible because it harms an individual, who is subjected to a racial classification, and the individual’s legislator, who believes his primary obligation is to represent only a specific racial group. The Supreme Court views racial gerrymandering as so egregious that states cannot escape an equal protection challenge by drawing up some districts based on race but not others. As the Supreme Court clarified in Alabama Legislative Black Caucus v. Alabama, 135 S. Ct. 1257 (2015), the fact that some districts are not racially motivated does not defeat a claim that other districts were. …show more content…
To make out a racial gerrymandering claim a plaintiff must show that race was the predominant factor motivating the legislature’s decision to place a significant number of voters within a specific district.
In considering whether race is a predominant factor, one must consider to what extent was the legislator motivated by individuals’ race rather than “traditional race-neutral districting principles” (i.e. compactness, contiguity, respect for political subdivisions, incumbency protection, and communities’ political affiliations). Thus, if a legislature was primarily motivated by the traditional race-neutral districting principles, an equal protection clause challenge fails. When a state draws election districts for the purpose of scattering a racial or ethnic minority among several districts in order to prevent the minority from exercising its voting strength, the state's action is a violation of the Equal Protection
Clause. Under the Equal Protection Clause, election districts for public office may not be drawn using race as the predominant factor in determining the boundary lines, unless the district plan can survive strict scrutiny. This restriction applies even when the district is drawn to favor historically disenfranchised groups. The state can use traditional factors—such as compactness, contiguity, or honoring political subdivisions—as the bases for the district, and it may only consider race if it does not predominate over other considerations. A district's bizarre shape can be used as evidence that race was a predominating factor, but such a shape is not necessary for a finding of racial gerrymandering. The Voting Rights Act (42 U.S.C. § 1973 et seq.) requires racial gerrymandering to ensure minority success in elections by creating majority-minority districts (i.e., affirmative gerrymandering). Until recently, the Act required federal pre-clearance for changes in voting rules, including redistricting, for specific southern states and a few other local governmental units. However, the formula used as a basis for subjecting jurisdictions to preclearance has been declared unconstitutional because it no longer reflects current conditions; therefore, it can no longer be used. Receiving federal pre-clearance for a redistricting plan does not ensure that plan will avoid conflicting with the Equal Protection Clause. Partisan political gerrymandering may violate the Equal Protection Clause if the challenger can show "both intentional discrimination against an identifiable political group and an actual discriminatory effect on that group." However, lack of comprehensive and neutral principles for drawing electoral boundaries as well as the absence of rules to confine judicial intervention can prevent adjudication of political gerrymandering claims.
There were a set of laws about segregation and discrimination called Jim Crow Laws. Jim Crow laws were state and local laws that enforced racial segregation in the South. The reasoning for the making of these laws are to keep African Americans and Caucasians “separate but equal”. Some prime examples of Jim Crow Laws are: “It shall be unlawful for a negro and white person to play together or in company with each other in any game of cards or dice, dominoes or checkers”(n.d.). “It shall be unlawful for any white prisoner to be handcuffed or otherwise chained or tied to a negro prisoner”(n.d.). “No colored barber shall serve as a barber to white women or girls”(n.d.).These may seem cruel and unusual and indeed they were. That was there intent. Fortunately, these laws have ceased and no longer remain thanks to the Civil Right
1. What is the tone of this article? The tone of this article is kinda snotty but truthful in all ways.
The authors of The Ethics of Teaching, Kenneth A. Strike and Jonas F. Soltis, present ideas about equal opportunity and the democratic community. Kenneth Strike and Jonas Soltis mention what the NEA Code states about discrimination. The NEA states the educator cannot “exclude any student from participating in any program”. (Strike; Soltis, pg. 55). An educator also cannot exclude any student from receiving benefits. Chapter 4 mentions providing equal educational opportunities for every student. Strike and Soltis provide the Brown v. Board of Education as an example of giving equal opportunity to everyone. According to Strike and Soltis, “…segregation is illegal because it does
The Brown vs. Board of Education Doctrine states, “ We conclude in the field of Education the doctrine of “separate but equal” has no place separate educational facilities are inherently unequal. Therefore, we hold the plaintiffs and others similarly situated for whom the actions have been brought are, by reason of the segregation complained of, deprived of the equal protection of the laws guaranteed by the Fourteenth Amendment. THIS REQUIRED THE DESEGREGATION OF SCHOOLS ACROSS AMERICA.
In 1973 a thirty-three year-old Caucasian male named Allan Bakke applied to and was denied admission to the University of California Medical School at Davis. In 1974 he filed another application and was once again rejected, even though his test scores were considerably higher than various minorities that were admitted under a special program. This special program specified that 16 out of 100 possible spaces for the students in the medical program were set aside solely for minorities, while the other 84 slots were for anyone who qualified, including minorities. What happened to Bakke is known as reverse discrimination. Bakke felt his rejections to be violations of the Equal Protection Clause of the 14th amendment, so he took the University of California Regents to the Superior Court of California. It was ruled that "the admissions program violated his rights under the Equal Protection Clause of the 14th Amendment"1 The clause reads as follows:"...No state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor without due process of the law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws."2 The court ruled that race could not be a factor in admissions. However, they did not force the admittance of Bakke because the court could not know if he would have been admitted if the special admissions program for minorities did not exist.
In 1896 the case of Plessy v. Ferguson occurred and has been viewed by may people, including myself, to be very important in history. Homer Plessy, the plaintiff in this case, was a light skinned black man, who was arrested for violating the Separate Car Act when he entered a car specifically designated for white passengers on the East Louisiana Railroad in New Orleans (Hartman 99). Judge John H. Ferguson was the presiding judge of the Louisiana Criminal District Court. Why was it that states can constitutionally enact legislation to require separate accommodations in interstate commerce based off of a person’s race? This was the issue of the case. The Louisiana Statute under review in Plessy required railway companies carrying passengers in their coaches in that state to provide equal but separate accommodations for the white, and colored races and no persons were permitted to occupy seats in coaches other than the ones assigned to them based on race. If passengers failed to obey these rules...
The Voting Rights Act marked a significant shift in American democracy, ensuring the right to vote for all regardless of race, religion, or sex. The key provisions of the Voting Rights Act, Section IV and Section V, ensured the overview of all state mandated voting laws, safeguarding constitutional values despite racial opposition. The breaking down of this provision under Supreme Court Ruling Shelby County, Alabama v. Holder, Attorney General has the potential to undo decades of progress to tackle racial barriers, isolating and withholding the right to vote for the weak, effectively dissolving democracy for the ones who need it the most. Throughout American history, people of power have isolated specific racial and gender groups and established policies to limit their right to vote. These politicians, in desperate attempt to elongate their political reign, resort to “anything that is within the rules to gain electoral advantage, including expanding or contracting the rate of political participation.
Lasting hatred from the civil war, and anger towards minorities because they took jobs in the north probably set the foundation for these laws, but it has become difficult to prove. In this essay, I will explain how the Separate but Equal Laws of twentieth century America crippled minorities of that time period forever. Separate but Equal doctrine existed long before the Supreme Court accepted it into law, and on multiple occasions it arose as an issue before then. In 1865, southern states passed laws called “Black Codes,” which created restrictions on the freed African Americans in the South. This became the start of legal segregation as juries couldn’t have African Americans, public schools became segregated, and African Americans had restrictions on testifying against majorities.
The Court ruled that the use of racial quotas in its admissions process is unconstitutional. Although the Supreme Court ruled that racial quotas were unconstitutional, in certain cases, more minority applicants could be accepted constitutionally. It was a five to four decision written by Justice Lewis Franklin Powell. Race can be looked upon in order to ensure educational diversity, but other admissions factors must be considered. For example, someone who is a minority cannot be accepted if they do not meet the academic qualifications. For this specific case, the medical school’s process did violate equal protection. The Equal Protection Clause forbids a state from denying anyone equal protection of the law.
When gerrymandering occurs, a political party draws the boundaries of an electoral district in a way that helps their party win elections over the other parties. For example, if a Republican controls a state, and it appears like the party will lose a seat in the future, the Republicans will draw the district in a way to exclude as many Democratic voters as possible. Perhaps they will do this by removing a democratic stronghold from one district and adding it to another district that will either easily go Republican or will have a Democratic representative no matter what happens. Before 1964, the majority party could draw districts in any way they wanted to, and chaos ensued. Consequently, in 1964, the U.S Supreme Court legislated that the districts “had to contain equal population, and be as compact as possible” (“Gerrymandering”). Every ten years the U.S. issues a census to determine the population of each state. After this, each state receives their share of the 435 seats, and then the state gets to break the population into the corresponding number of districts. This whole process, known as reapportionment, takes weeks to determine, and in many cases, courts must determine the shape and area of each district. Even though the districts must contain equal population, gerry...
In 1965, at a time of racial discrimination in America and the emergence of a strong Civil Rights Movement, congress enacted the Voting Rights Act (VRA), which prohibits discrimination in voting. Congress could not end racial discrimination in voting by suing one jurisdiction, state, etc. at a time. Rather, Congress passed Section 5 of the VRA, which required states and local governments with a history of racially discriminating voting practices to get the approval of the U.S. Attorney General or a three-judge panel for the U.S. District Court for D.C. (“preclearace”) in order to make any changes to their voting practices. Section 4(b) said that the preclearance requirement applied to states and political subdivisions that used a “test or device” to limit voting and in which less than 50% of the population was registered to vote, or voted, in the presidential elections of 1964, 1968, or 1972. Nine states and seven subdivisions in other states are subject to the requirement in Section 5, which has been amended three times and was reauthorized for an additional 25 years in 2006. The Supreme Court however, has been skeptical about the constitutionality of the law. In the Supreme Court’s decision on Northwest Austin Municipal Utility District No. 1 v. Holder (2009), the Court avoided the constitutionality of Sections 4(b) and 5 of the VRA. Shelby County, Alabama, is covered in Section 5 because all of Alabama is covered. The county went to court in Washington to strike down Section 5 of the VRA.
Selden, D. , Pace, J. , & Nunn-Gilman, H. (2011). Placing s.b 1070 and racial profiling into context, and what s.b 1070 reveals about the legislative process in arizona. Arizona State Law Journal, 43(2), 523-1045.
As a result, this paper reasons that the Fair-Start Defense based on race and gender is a faulty justification for affirmative action because it cannot be fairly applied in the United States of America today. However, affirmative action itself should be permitted to be used in case the state once again unfairly discriminates social groups.
Despite increased diversity across the country, America’s neighborhoods remain highly segregated along racial and ethnic lines. Residential segregation, particularly between African-Americans and whites, persists in metropolitan areas where minorities make up a large share of the population. This paper will examine residential segregation imposed upon African-Americans and the enormous costs it bears. Furthermore, the role of government will be discussed as having an important role in carrying out efforts towards residential desegregation. By developing an understanding of residential segregation and its destructive effects, parallels may be drawn between efforts aimed at combating such a grave societal problem and furthering social justice.
“There is exactly one sentence about why schools should want to discriminate… It reads, ‘When the state’s most elite universities are less diverse, [a school official] said, it doesn’t provide our students with a level of diversity they need in order to learn about other cultures and other communities’…And that’s supposed to outweigh all these costs of discrimination; It is personally unfair, passes over better qualified students, and sets a disturbing legal, political, and moral precedent in allowing racial discrimination.”