What Were Erasmus's Major Accomplishments

The other member of the famous duo, Erasmus, faced a rather different life before their meeting. Illegitimately born in Rotterdam in Holland on October 27, 1466 to a cleric, Gerard, and the physician’s daughter, Margaret, Erasmus grew up in an environment without much paternal influence. While his father visited Paris, he and his brother entered the Cathedral school in Deventer after his parents’ deaths around his thirteenth year. Under the tutelage of the Brothers of the Common Life he learned the devotio moderna, as well as, scholastic methods. This strict rule under Church instruction created the man who declared that “his books became his companions; they did not change, or decay, or die.” Erasmus records himself as forced into the priestly

life, which he did not feel he could hold his proper vocation. In search of greater learning, he entered into the service of the Bishop of Cambrai hoping to study in Italy. He instead was sent to Paris. There he studied the ancient languages that More studied as a child. There he tutored the children of the Lord Mountjoy, who in turn invited Erasmus to join him for a while in England. It is here that these two men began a lasting friendship.
On Erasmus’ first visit to England in 1499, the two encountered the other who, arguably, would remain one another’s best friend throughout life. Life seemed to be flowing smoothly for the Mores, with an ever-learning environment and a strong correspondence with the top tier of humanists allowing him to gain popularity across England and the continent. This same legacy would be recorded for all when one of the greatest humanist writings, by Erasmus' on his third English visit in 1509, was dedicated to More, entitled Encomium Moriae or In Praise of Folly.
Folly, or Moria, attacks a standardization of the things which make us most human – our concepts of who we are, what we know, and how we use it. Instead of forcing ourselves to one standard, Erasmus’ satire seeks to remind us that we must return to the source of who and what we are to be the best that we can be. By this, Christians could discover why they were followers of Christ – not just to follow the clergy blindly from tradition or popularity. While he appears skeptical, Erasmus is true to his word: he does not get caught up in dogmas and doctrine, as the radical Protestant Reformers would force Europe to focus on for many more years. Not only are his words hiding this double meaning, but he also uses the rhetorical style of conversation and ancient deities to represent the errors which he is confronting.
Erasmus used weapons as words – this characterizes the different nature of the Reformation in England, where he was most welcomed. In place of total war, England fought by passive-aggressive tracts, the winner bolstered up nationalism, making the English spirit solid in its nature. Since Erasmus sought peace, by reading his writings it is clear he was definitely not a reformer, clearing up a large line of confusion between humanism and Reform beliefs – while similar, they are distinctly different. This is evidenced in the life awaiting More, despite staunch humanist credibility, he eventually is beheaded due to his refusal to either adhere peacefully or wholly reject Henry VIII’s Act of Supremacy and Treasons Act.
By refusing to assert things without proof and using words tolerantly, Erasmus remains overlooked. Remedying the Church, but still staying true to his salvation, Erasmus sought the one thing that never wavers in the Bible, the state of peace amongst and within Christians. His philosophy, summed up in opposition to that of the fiery Luther, Melanchthon, or even the counter-Reformists, is entirely summed up by Peace’s own words in The Complaint of Peace:

“As Peace, am I not praised by both men and gods as the very source and defender of all good things? What is there of prosperity, of security, or of happiness that cannot be ascribed to me? On the other hand, is not war the destroyer of all things and the very seed of evil? ... No greater enemy of goodness or of religion can be found”
Clearly, More had taken these words to heart when after having voted against raising taxes, his response to the King’s imprisonment of his father involved paying a fine and retiring in place of raising a ruckus at the unfair treatment or holding “womanish obstinacy in arguing” and as Erasmus recommended, left “kings… (and) all these matters to the gods” .

Luckily for his career, Henry VII died that same year, allowing him to become active once more as an under-sheriff of London, where his mannerisms and process of decision earned a reputation for impartiality and fairness that went echoing about the city . Life once again resumed a steady pace, until in 1511, when his life was shaken by his wife , Jane, died in childbirth, giving rise to another inner crisis – once again he had the chance for a sort of monasticism, but rather than fear sin, he remarried within a month to Alice Middleton before entering the decade of his life where the sights of current Lord Chancellor, Cardinal Thomas Wolsey, as well as the King’s began to create the stage for his downfall after having seen his talents in Parliament, hearing of his reputation, and his time as under-sheriff, he soon was recruited as an ambassador to the Low

Countries.
The initial and long encounter between the two men set forth the potential for a true scholarly friendship, which often lacks in the various schools across the world.

Rather than a flurry of impersonal communications, Erasmus and More strongly used their In that first letter, Erasmus wrote that he ‘grew sick’ for want of both More and his handwriting, i.e. his physical presence and the inner thoughts of his soul. In our present circumstances, many people meet online. Here they imagine true friendships have come about. Although they may have seen pictures of their friend, nothing, I mean nothing can take the place of a physical encounter with a person. Here there is a natural epistemology of the dignity of this person. Their existence although conceptual before, becomes actual in the intellect. Many friendships fail because they lack initial physical encounter beyond impersonal office politics or school settings; it requires, as een by the life of these two men, and extra step to create an external and personal

bond.
His return trip after travelling Europe only brought the men closer together. Erasmus roaming nature which kept him aloof from other scholars only flamed his friendship with More; in fact, Erasmus never settled down until his age and his health at the end of his life forced him to stay at Louvain or Basel. When unable to see More, he constantly wrote him letters. These letters, while not intrinsically unique among scholars, are unique in tone for Erasmus. Erasmus only displays any strong affection in two cases: in childhood with Servantius, and later with More. These seemed to be a normal affair because there is a great body of extant letters from both More and Erasmus. By reading there letters, an idea of mutual respect peeps out, a feature markedly modern in the theory of friendship, and not necessarily well used in the medieival. One key examples comes from his time working with More on Latin translations of Lucian.
For I do not think, unless the vehemence of my love leads me astray, that Nature ever formed a mind more present, ready, sharpsighted and subtle, or in a word more absolutely furnished with every kind of faculty than his. Add to this a power of expression equal to his intellect, a singular cheerfulness of character and an abundance of wit, but only of the candid sort; and you miss nothing that should be found in a perfect advocate.
It was on this same trip in 1515 that saw the creation of his opus. Originally in the area due to an investigation of wool trade between the two countries, his success created a commercial treaty he busied himself with during 1516 as the Latin text of Utopia circulated. From afar, he could easily discuss the disintegration of the English society and the economy through the traveler Raphael’s experiences on this fantastic island, showing his deep discomfort as a product of both old and contemporary schools and poking holes into English norms by taking each to their logical ends. However, More strays from early Italian humanism, and instead of only picking at the problems, through satire enables Raphael to salvage the image of these savages by not only developing the defects of the society, but also showing how their imaginary leader remedied them to keep the island peaceful, with the traveler eventually introducing them to Christ.