Wechuge And Windigo Summary

Robert Brightman’s paper on the windigo psychosis “The Windigo In the Material World” analyzes the modern-day applications and the origins of the “windigo psychosis” (page 346). Brightman seeks to discover if the windigo complex has its roots in Algonkian culture, and if it is a diagnosable psychosis. The windigo complex is believed to have begun in the Algonkian tribes of the boreal forests, who believed that a man who ate human flesh would transform into a beast. This beast, called a windigo, would, in turn, hunt the rest of his tribe. Modern psychologists claim that this cannibalistic tendency is a culturally distinctive brain disorder brought on by famine and extreme starvation. Brightman collects information from multiple sources and psychological

papers that discuss the Algonkian windigo complex to answer his question. Brightman concludes that windigo complex is not a feasible psychosis, claiming that the original windigos were just stories that have seeped into human belief. The idea of a windigo-like creature has been around for centuries, appearing in almost every culture around the world. The idea that a specific psychosis could plague entire cultures around the world, causing hallucinations and animal tendencies does not seem feasible to anthropologists. The work done by Brightman is thorough, citing many sources from a variety of prints, from magazines to scholarly journals and Aboriginal tribe members. This makes Brightman’s conclusion more persuasive and academically accurate, as he has many other acclaimed scholars backing up his conclusions. Also, his work is peer reviewed by multiple people, minimizing bias and inaccuracies in his work.

In the essay “Werewolves and Windigos: Narratives of Cannibal Monsters in French-Canadian Voyageur Oral Tradition”, Carolyn Podruchny addresses the question of the similarities in oral traditions between the European settlers and the aboriginal tribes in the Quebec area of Canada during the colonization of the country. Podruchny analyses multiple sources to chronologically determine the origins of oral traditions, specifically the creation of werewolf stories. There are multiple instances of the same stories of transformation and monsters that reappear throughout history due to a human fascination with fantasy and exploring idealistic worlds of adventure. In Podruchny’s case, she is attempting to determine the origins of the windigo throughout her analysis of different oral stories of the Algonkian natives and the written literature of the Europeans. Podruchny discovered that all the stories share an common origin. The research done by Podruchny is well done, taking information from multiple sources such as the original native oral traditions the stories came from. The information is presented in a linear and chronological fashion, addressing the question of why all cultures had a similar story. Podruchny analysed many different sources, joining the collected information into one document, infused with her own ideas. The most apparent similarity is the story of starvation in the area, due to scarce food supply during the winter. These stories depicted a person driven insane by hunger, often resorting to cannibalism. These people would become a half human, half monster figure, addicted to the taste of human. The settlers in the area heard parts of these stores from the Algonkian, learning about these monsters now called windigos. Unfortunately, when these monster stories were told, the Algonkian natives were portrayed as the monster. These stories made their way across Europe, inserting themselves into plays and songs alike. The "motif of fluidity and transformation" (page 682) in European literature became a popular reference point, demonstrating the change from human to a demonic beast with wolfish desires. These stories returned to the New World with the French-Canadian voyagers, filled with allegories to Christianity and possession. Soon, all cultures had a story of half man, half beast ingrained in their culture. Podruchny’s analysis is quite extensive, citing multiple sources both recent and older. These sources all provide an in-depth look at the evolution of oral histories and their significance in the world. Over all, Podruchny’s paper was well researched enough to make accurate conclusions about the origins of windigo oral histories, as well as the tendency of stories to travel the world.

In Robin Ridington’s essay “Wechuge and Windigo: A Comparison of Cannibal Belief among Boreal Forest Athapaskans and Algonkians” he brings forward three individual questions about the Algonkian and Athapaskan’s interpretations of the windigo, also known as the wechuge.

He first explores the question of how differences in both cultures can affect the outcomes and inspirations of the windigo. The next question he asks is why these cultural differences would have such an effect on the presentation of the windigo in both cultures’ history. This is done by comparing the two cultures and their values. These give a hint as to why two seemingly similar cultures would have different interpretations of similar stories. Finally, Ridington questions the idea of “windigo psychosis” (page 25) and its place in these Algonkian and Athapaskan cultures. In the Athapaskan culture, the windigo is a creature called a wechuge, which is part man and part animal. The wechuge lures people away from their camp, playing on their desire for food. There are many stories regarding this creature that were often told to frighten people, much like how modern people watch horror movies. Rindington describes these stories as told by aku and jumbie, two tribe members. The wechuge is a man plagued by his power, in which he believes that he is too strong for the mortal world. In the Algonkian culture, however, becoming a windigo is a sign of weakness, succumbing to the elements and witchcraft. Ridington answers these questions through ethnographic study of both the Algonkian and Athapaskan cultures. he collected information from his own experiences and the experiences of other anthropologists, as well as oral stories from tribe members. While the Algonkian and Athapaskan cultures are similar at the surface, they hold very different morals. The wechuge is feared because it is a role, rather than a person. The medicinal strengths one must have to hold this role is what the Athapaskans fear. The

Algonkian fear the monster itself, and the person who transformed. The fact that a cannibalistic craving can consume a person beyond recognition is the true monster. For his second question, Ridington concludes that the Athapaskan’s tale of the wechuge may be the true origin of the story, altered when the Algonkian culture began to tell it. The Algonkian windigo story most likely took aspects of the colonists in the area, who told of a cannibal beast that roamed the lands they shared. Finally, to answer the question about “windigo psychosis” (page 125) Ridington bring to light the common definition of psychosis as people who “believe themselves to be actors in situations” (page 128) that are not typical of people. In the Algonkian culture, though, they believe in a monster that affects the whole group. Those who think they have transformed into a windigo are treated as one by the tribe. This reveals that psychosis may not be the right word for the windigos in native cultures. Ridington’s paper is well researched, bringing in aspects of ethnography of many anthropologists. This submersive outlook gives an emic understanding of the windigo stories of the Athapaskan and Aglonkian cultures, which creates an air of validity around the piece.