Violent Offenders Research

Violent offenders are readily one of the most interesting topics of criminal justice. Research on violent offenders focuses primarily on violent male offenders, however, emerging research has focused on violent female offenders. A small amount of studies that have examined violent offenders using an intersectional approach find that offenders often differ in their acts based on gender, race, class, and other structural factors (Bernard, 2013; Potter, 2013; Baskin & Sommers, 1993; Miller, 1998 add more). These differences could be due to various elements; however, it is something to further explore as they can relate back to systems of inequality.

These differences in violent offenders are potentially affiliated with social constructs. Social

constructs help shape identities, which in return can help how one commits a crime. Doing gender is an act where an individual follows the gender norms that their society has established. In American society, men are often reinforced to be aggressive and not show emotions, when complying to this they are “doing gender” (West & Zimmerman). One could argue, as some researchers have, this construct is often carried out in crime (Miller, 1998). In return, this could potentially account for some differences and disparities in violent crime, such as men representing majority of violent offenses in the U.S. (UCR, 2017). Similarly doing identity, also accounts for differences in groups, but also incorporates race. Meaning, one follows norms that their society has established based on their race, to move through power structures (Bernard, 2013). These are necessary concepts to consider when looking at how different identities represent involvement in violent crime.
Female criminality is an important topic to explore further. As prior research has indicated, female offenders can differ in their offenses based on different intersectional factors, such as race and class (cite). However, “gender alone does not account for variation in criminal violence” (Simpson, 1991). Furthermore, this indicates that violent female offenders will differ in their offenses based on other structural factors such as race and class. While much of the research attention on violent offenders has been given to males, looking at females gives new perspectives and understanding of violent crime.
Race
Individual factors and identities have impacts on violent crimes. Research has suggested that blacks are more likely than whites to commit violent offenses (cite). However, research also has suggested that violent crimes are committed differently among these identities, such as weapon and tactics used. There are various theories as to why this is, many incorporating structural and oppressive factors such as class structure and institutional racism (cite).
Throughout the past decade or more blacks have accounted for 35% of violent crime in the united states.

Both black males and females are accounted for violent crime. For instance, black females are more likely than white males to engage in homicide, aggravated assault, and robbery (Simpson, 1991; Sommers and Baskin, 1992). Highlighting how race places an important mitigating factor in violent crime, both across racial and gender barriers. Violent crime rates are not the only difference among race and crime. How an individual carries out a violent crime also differs by race. For instance, blacks are more likely than whites to use a weapon or be affiliated with a gang at the time of a violent crime (cite). With whites being 10% less likely to use a gun or be affiliated with a gang and blacks 121% more likely. This could be partly accounted for by the violence than represents the African-American communities of underclass (Miller, 1998). The more violence that surrounds someone, the more likely they are going to be to engage

it.
Among these differences emerges the theory of “doing identity”. This term “accounts for how one navigates though multiple oppressions to achieve his or her desired goals” (Bernard, 2013). As violence is high in African- American communities, the more likely individuals in those communities are going to act according to this identity of violence and engage in violent crime to achieve their goals and means, and specifically with a weapon or within a gang. In addition to doing identity in accordance with violence in ones’ own culture, social constructs of how specific identities should act also place barriers on how one commits a violent offense.
Gender
Violent crime rates also differ by gender.

Men are more likely than women to engage in violent crime (cite), with men commits 15 more percent of crime than women (cite). However, there are women who do engage in violent crime and little is known about their involvement. There are various theories as to why this difference is and why women engage in crime, many of these theories use feminist approaches which address issues such as inequality, systems of oppression, and more. These reasons are all connected and build on another in explaining female criminality and how it differs by race.

Not only do men and women differ in crime, they also differ in ways of carrying out their crimes (Miller, 1998). Miller describes how women carry out robberies different than men, by being less likely to commit a robbery alone (1998). This provides evidence that men and women differ in their actions of how they carry out violent crimes. It also sheds light on violent female offenders, giving more understanding about their

involvement.
This difference in crime rates and how women differ in emitting crimes can be thought of as doing gender. Doing gender is a term created by Mershiment that explains the action when one acts in accordance with the gender norms of their society (cite). This theory provides support as to why there is a gender gap in violent crime and that women carry out violent crime differently than men. Furthermore, doing gender also accounts for systems of oppression women face such as living and navigating through different power structures from a patriarchal society (cite). These power structures can include things such as poverty, single mother households, and education (Benrad, 2013). All of these connect, and create oppressive positions for females.