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Aristotle and David Hume's views on human nature
Frederick Douglass and his multiple views against slavery
Machiavelli views on human nature
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Recommended: Aristotle and David Hume's views on human nature
Throughout history there have been a variety of theories on human nature proposed by intellectuals from different time periods. A general idea of human nature is defined as the characteristics, emotions and behavioral traits shared by all humans. During the different time periods of each philosopher, human nature varied due to its involvement in politics. Political theories and morals derive from historical imprints and observations. The precise ways to rule or govern a constitution have been questioned and emphasized through many philosophers and theorists. It is history that indicates what a long-term, obligating government may need to prosper. In order to understand a theory particular to a specific time, one must look at the author’s history and society. For example, Machiavelli, Aristotle and Frederick Douglass each come from different time periods where the structure of society differ. Societies reflect the morals and ideals that are correlated to its generation and highlight the structure and nature of the people. Thus, when looking closely at political theories, one must first observe the author’s society and history. A particular theory may influence many governments and political organizations, whether because of its validity or its rejection, both play a part in structuring a society. Human nature within each society also played a role the desire for justice. For example, during the era of the Jim Crow laws there was a clash between the beliefs of those who opposed discrimination and segregation and those who supported the laws in society. Overall, human nature plays a key role in political theories from a variety of time periods. Niccolo Machiavelli, an Italian politician and philosopher, is a very prominent influenti... ... middle of paper ... ...the American play. For instance, he points out how the slavery is a direct violation to the value and claims set forth in the U.S. Declaration of Independence. Douglass states, “What, to the American slave, is your 4th of July? I answer: a day that reveals to him, more than all other days in the year, the gross injustice and cruelly to which he is the constant victim” (Douglass). More importantly, Douglass points out that people within society try to use their moral judgment more efficient to see how slavery is wrong. In Douglass’s situation, he speaks about how freedom and happiness is not promised and equally available for every individual in society. During Douglass’s time period, African Americans were not given the opportunity to experience human nature. However, in Machiavelli and Aristotle’s cases, both individuals were able experience human nature in society.
In the first paragraph, Douglass invokes the rhetorical question, “Are the great principles…... embodied by that Declaration of Independence, extended to us [blacks]?” This actively paints America as a paradox, a country built upon enlightenment values of equality yet supported by the scarred backs of millions of black slaves. Later, in the ninth paragraph, he again demands a rhetorical question, “Must I undertake to prove that the slave is a man?” While this obviously serves to cement the irony he discusses, it also shows Douglass’ efforts to denounce the Abolitionists’ cause in order to revitalize the weakening movement.
equality, hollow mockery … a thin veil to cover up crimes which would disgrace a nation of savages” (Douglass). Essentially, everything that the slave observes is a lie. Everything the slave observes represents hypocritical double standards created by their oppressors to further otherize and dehumanize the slave. Here, Douglass’s critique of the citizenry reflects the concerns and critique that Socrates gave in regards to rhetoric and its uses in the Gorgias: “rhetoric seems not to be an artistic pursuit at all, but that of a shrewd, courageous spirit, which is naturally clever at dealing with men; I shall call the chief part of it flattery” (Plato 23). Flattery is necessarily a deceitful as it seeks to hide certain flaws or faults. The rhetoric and celebration of the Fourth of July, at least to Douglass, disguises the moral failures of the country in false patriotism pushing the nation even farther from the
In that very speech, Douglass made it clear that, like countless African Americans during this time period, he did not feel like he could join White Americans in the celebration of the 4th of July. Douglass had a primary objective of calling to question the validity of celebrating the 4th of July while there were many injustices still in practice. He aimed to make it clear to the audience that, it was a mockery to expect or even invite African Americans to partake in the celebration of the 4th of July because it was not theirs to celebrate. His objective shaped his speech dramatically. It allowed him to bring up the history behind the 4th of July and call to question why the ideologies that brought out the Nation’s liberation were not being used to liberate the slaves.
Frederick Douglass’s speech was given to so many of his own people. The fact that Douglass speaks so harshly to them proves that he has passion for what he talks about through-out. “What to the slave is the Fourth of July”, compares and contrasts the different meanings the Fourth of July shared between Whites and African Americans. Douglass says “What, to the American slave, is your 4th of July? I answer: a day that reveals to him, more than all other days in the year, the gross injustice and cruelty to which he is the constant victim”. Frederick Douglass was not striving for the attention, he just wanted to get across that the Fourth of July is not a day of celebration to African Americans and the respect he shared with them, having once being a slave himself.
Effectively establishing an appeal to pathos, Douglass emphasize his raw emotions to the reader, allowing the reader to feel more connected to why Douglass complies with the rules of trickery. Douglass conveys a feeling of accomplishment, in Lee’s words, “when a white mistress cracks an opening in the white discourse… [and] seizes the opportunity to enter the power structure” (“The Politics”). Mrs. Auld, the “white mistress,” teaches Douglass the basic skills to read, and, as Douglass begins to read, he “got hold of a book entitled ‘The Columbian Orator’” (23), which, according to Piano, “reveals psychological insights into the slave/master relationship” (“Critical Essay”). The “Columbian Orator” consists of abolitionist documents, allowing Douglass to gain insight on the power the white men have over the black men and compelling the audience to sympathize with the black men. These new feelings also allow Douglass to be at a compos mentis with the white oppressors, achieving acuity for surviving the world of tricksters, and gaining the ability to learn how to beat the white oppressors at their own game, permitting Douglass an edge on how to escape captivity as a slave. In Piano’s views, “[the ...
In sum, all of these key arguments exist in “The Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass” because of the institution of slavery and its resulting lack of freedom that was used to defend it. This text’s arguments could all be gathered together under the common element of inequality and how it affected the practical, social, and even spiritual lives of the slaves.
America in the mid to early nineteenth century saw the torture of many African Americans in slavery. Plantation owners did not care whether they were young or old, girl or boy, to them all slaves were there to work. One slave in particular, Frederick Douglass, documented his journey through slavery in his autobiography Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass. Through the use of various rhetorical devices and strategies, Douglass conveys the dehumanizing and corrupting effect of slavery, in order to show the overall need for American abolition. His use of devices such as parallelism, asyndeton, simile, antithesis, juxtaposition and use of irony, not only establish ethos but also show the negative effects of slavery on slaves, masters and
n Frederick Douglass’ What to the Slave is the 4th of July, he presents a simple yet morally complex argument. In his letter, Douglass states that it is hypocritical for a country to celebrate its freedom and separation from another country, yet still have slavery alive and well in the United States. Morally, this issue is a pretty straightforward argument and the very definition of hypocritical. Douglass also touches upon his belief that all men and women are equal, as stated in the constitution, yet slaves are subhuman. Another topic touched on is the contributing factors that perpetuate the constant and unjust nature of how slaves are treated, such as religion, agricultural, and over all demeanor towards slaves.
He points out that the Fourth of July came to be seen by abolitionists as a day suited to point out the nation's failure to live up to its promise of liberty for all. Douglass raises the issue of slaves' humanity by addressing the line between humans and animals. Frederick Douglass' point in "The Meaning of Fourth of July for the Negro" is that America was being incredibly hypocritical in their celebration of the Fourth of July. The whole point of that holiday is to celebrate that all people in the country are free from Great Britain. while they are sitting there celebrating their own freedom, slaves are being held captive in that same country that seems to value freedom so greatly.
The effectiveness and excellent structure of Frederick Douglass’ Fourth of July speech is apparent. His rhetorical arguments served as powerful rebuts to opposing contentions and forced his audience to consider the undeniable error in their nation’s policy and approach regarding slavery. Douglass also compelled his audience to take his words seriously by establishing his credibility, recognizing his audience, and skillfully constructing and executing his speech. The end product of his efforts became a provocative speech at the time and a historical delivery in the future. Douglass succeeded in giving a speech that clearly and effectively argued the absurdity of the institution of slavery in America, leaving it up to his audience to consider his position and decide for themselves how to act in the future.
Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, An American Slave, brings to light many of the social injustices that colored men, women, and children all were forced to endure throughout the nineteenth century under Southern slavery laws. Douglass's life-story is presented in a way that creates a compelling argument against the justification of slavery. His argument is reinforced though a variety of anecdotes, many of which detailed strikingly bloody, horrific scenes and inhumane cruelty on the part of the slaveholders. Yet, while Douglas’s narrative describes in vivid detail his experiences of life as a slave, what Douglass intends for his readers to grasp after reading his narrative is something much more profound. Aside from all the physical burdens of slavery that he faced on a daily basis, it was the psychological effects that caused him the greatest amount of detriment during his twenty-year enslavement. In the same regard, Douglass is able to profess that it was not only the slaves who incurred the damaging effects of slavery, but also the slaveholders. Slavery, in essence, is a destructive force that collectively corrupts the minds of slaveholders and weakens slaves’ intellects.
The idea of Americanism as viewed by Frederick Douglass comes in two variations. The first being the Americans who’s fathers fought for unalienable rights given to each man, Americans who love liberty, welcome refugees from around the world with open arms, the purest of Christians following the word of God. The second type of American being the more truthful in the eyes of Douglass is the American whom sits idly on the accomplishments of these same fathers that fought tooth and nail against the British for freedom. When the opportunity to create massive change and liberation for slavery and the rights of women, to stand by these unalienable rights that are supposedly extended to each man, the argument falls upon deaf ears. The liberties that Americans so gleefully claim are nothing but a sham, hiding behind Christianity and riding along the coattails of their fathers hard fought change for such liberties. Frederick Douglass criticizes what it means to be an American and argues that the liberties promised within the constitution should be extended beyond the wealthy oppressors; the freedom to be ones own should be extended to all citizens of the United States. The time to make change is now while America is still young and in its development. In order for Americanism to reflect the ideology in which many of its citizens blindly view it as, Frederick argues that the government and its citizens must stop hiding behind their inconsistent politics, fake Christianity, and to not shrink away at the site of change in order to bring about truth to the words that their founders fought so hard to ink to paper providing equal freedom to all citizens.
While writing about the dehumanizing nature of slavery, Douglass eloquently and efficiently re-humanize African Americans. This is most evident throughout the work as a whole, yet specific parts can be used as examples of his artistic control of the English language. From the beginning of the novel, Douglass’ vocabulary is noteworthy with his use of words such as “intimation […] odiousness […] ordained.” This more advanced vocabulary is scattered throughout the narrative, and is a testament to Douglass’ education level. In conjunction with his vocabulary, Douglass often employed a complex syntax which shows his ability to manipulate the English language. This can be seen in Douglass’ self-description of preferring to be “true to [himself], even at the hazard of incurring ridicule of others, rather than to be false, and incur [his] own abhorrence.” This is significant because it proves that Douglass can not only simply read and write, but he has actually obtained a mastery of reading and writing. This is a highly humanizing trait because it equates him in education level to that of the stereotypical white man, and how could one deny that the white man is human because of his greater education? It is primarily the difference in education that separates the free from the slaves, and Douglass is able to bridge this gap as a pioneer of the
In the speech, “what to the slave is the Fourth of July?” which Fredrick Douglass gave he emphasized how the fourth of July is not a celebration to the slaves but an insult and ridicule. Douglass uses logos and pathos to make the audience understand his point of view and how this so called “independence day’’ is for whites only because the black people in America are still slaves , which in turn means they can’t celebrate this day. Using these rhetoric’s he conveys his point on how this day is adds insult to injury.
On the similarities and dissimilarities of the theories of human nature by Aristotle, Machiavelli, and Hobbes, there is a single common denominator that resonates throughout all of their works: in some way, shape, or form, they all attempt to outline and convey to the reader a sense of political understanding derived via a methodical approach to the interpretation of human society. Thomas Hobbes, author of The Leviathan, argues that mankind cannot be readily trusted to uphold the terms of certain covenants, and from this one can derive that Hobbes believes men to be fickle and capricious in their decisions, and that they should generally not be trusted. Hobbes also asserts that there exists a natural law that dictates that man will adhere to the policy of self-preservation above all else. These two arguments form the basis for what Hobbes refers to as the state of nature, in which the “will to contend by battle is sufficiently known” (Hobbes Ch. 13). The renowned Greek philosopher and author of Politics, Aristotle, contradicts Hobbes’s theory of human nature with his assumptions of man and the the polis. Aristotle’s belief that “man is a political animal”