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The impacts of the French revolution
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Arguments proposed by the Grandees in the simulated debate included justifications and further defense of the original Grandees’ arguments. The chief topics to focus on include the importance of immovable property and vested interests, the threat of anarchy from universal incorporation, and the essential definition of tacit consent. All aspects of these arguments set out to make the demands of the Levellers appear unobtainable at the time. When analyzing each topic, the drastic difference of the Levellers and Grandees are discovered, along with certain similarities that make both sides appear not so different in ideology. Most importantly, each argument was essential to democracy then, as they are in today’s modern society.
The Grandees most emphasized argument found form in the importance of owning land, relative to your interest and loyalty to England. Viewing immovable property as a definite way of displaying your patriotism was the only avenue one could take up in order to have a right to vote, and chose those that would ultimately govern them and represent their needs. In relation to democracy, the idea of possessing immovable property prevents those from outside a certain area intruding upon the established rights of the citizens. In order to have a functioning and effective democracy, leaders undoubtedly recognize the threat of foreign influences and possible corruption. Those very same influences may lead to the exploitation of the poorer class, allowing outsiders with sufficient resources to assimilate into British society. Therefore, making the possession of immovable property a requirement for political participation supports the Grandees’ motives in making a society that is not easily influenced by those with prope...
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...having it either ignored or taken away is unfathomable. The ability of the Grandees to not only dictate what consent is relevant, but to prohibit political participation as well exemplifies how far the ideal of democracy has come. However, when looking at what England had suffered through, the actions of the Grandees showed that hard times call for drastic measures.
The Putney debates undoubtedly had a profound effect on the development of democracy over the last few centuries. Closely examining the arguments of the Grandees and the Levellers place emphasis on how different factions can view democracy differently, and what some groups can do to limit the freedom of others. The topics of property in relation to interests, anarchy, and the idea of consent gave the Grandees an argument that most could agree with when taking into consideration the stakes at risk.
In today’s society, American citizens tend to believe that America has been, “American” since the day that Christopher Columbus set foot in the Bahamas. This is a myth that has been in our society for a multitude of years now. In A New England Town by Kenneth A. Lockridge, he proves that America was not always democratic. Additionally, he proves that America has not always been “American”, by presenting the town of Dedham in 1635. Lockridge presents this town through the course of over one hundred years, in that time many changes happened as it made its way to a type of democracy.
Analyzing this time period in America brings further understanding to the implications that can arise in a democracy. More importantly the very same democratic mechanisms that took away equality in the first place can be utilized by the citizenry to bring it back. With an understanding of Tocqueville’s argument of industrial aristocracy in a democracy, the American Gilded Age and the sovereign response to the elite, the appearance of inequality during this time period becomes clearer. The culmination of evidence across multiple sources will prove what led to the growth of an industrial aristocracy, its effects on the worker and the overall effectiveness of the sovereign
A longstanding debate in human history is what to do with power and what is the best way to rule. Who should have power, how should one rule, and what its purpose should government serve have always been questions at the fore in civilization, and more than once have sparked controversy and conflict. The essential elements of rule have placed the human need for order and structure against the human desire for freedom, and compromising between the two has never been easy. It is a question that is still considered and argued to this day. However, the argument has not rested solely with military powers or politicians, but philosophers as well. Two prominent voices in this debate are Plato and Machiavelli, both of whom had very different ideas of government's role in the lives of its people. For Plato, the essential service of government is to allow its citizens to live in their proper places and to do the things that they are best at. In short, Plato's government reinforces the need for order while giving the illusion of freedom. On the other hand, Machiavelli proposes that government's primary concern is to remain intact, thereby preserving stability for the people who live under it. The feature that both philosophers share is that they attempt to compromise between stability and freedom, and in the process admit that neither can be totally had.
William Smith, Democracy, Deliberation and Disobedience (Paper presented at the UK Association for Legal and Social Philosophy Annual Conference, University of Newcastle upon Tyne, April 2003).
Oligarchy is valued above a democracy although they are both ruled by the appetite of the soul. Those within an oligarchy pursue necessary appetites whereas democratic individuals pursue unnecessary appetites. Rulers are present...
Dye, T. R., Zeigler, H., & Schubert, L. (2012). The Irony of Democracy (15th ed.).
The ‘Great’ Reform Act of 1832 was considered as a failure and a betrayal for the Chartist movement. The Chartist movement demanded their six points from the people’s charter to be accepted by the government, some of which were supposed to have been passed in the 1832 Reform Act. These included, ‘vote by ballot’, ‘universal suffrage’ and ‘no property qualifications’. However, none of these were implemented in the 1832 Reform Act and rather the working class people saw the Act as if it was ultimately designed to exclude them from participating in the government and had dashed their hope of a parliament that would truly represent them. The introduction of uniform of ten pounds’ franchise in the boroughs excluded the vast
10 is an accurate display of elite democracy in that the author describes the ills of democracy ability to develop factions of violence through popular democracy. By faction, Madison explains, “By a faction, I understand a number of citizens, whether amounting to a majority or a minority of the whole, who are united and actuated by some common impulse of passion, or of interest, adverse to the rights of other citizens, or to the permanent and aggregate interests of the community” (Federalist No. 10, Madison). The unequal distribution of property is what Madison argues is the source of faction formation. It divides society into property owners and non-property owners. Madison’s argument brings to light elite status within society can produce negative outcomes, such as debtors owing creditors creating a form of discrimination of the
Paine argues that the British political system is inherently tyrannical, as the monarch and aristocracy possess privileges that commoners do not. Paine states that the monarchy and aristocracy are “[.] independent of the people; wherefore in a constitutional sense they contribute nothing towards the freedom of the state” (Paine 7). He argues that the people are the only legitimate authority, and thus the king and other nobles are useless.
In nearly every society throughout human history, there have been people who have tried to constitute themselves as an elite or noble. From the pharaohs of ancient Egypt to the thugs of ancient Rome to the glorified warlords of medieval and sovereign Europe, these people are the modern conservatives (Agre, P 2004).
In Leviathan, arguably one of the most transcendent political pieces written in the English language, Thomas Hobbes vindicates that state sovereignty, and the suppression of the brutish state of nature, is best achieved through the monopolization of power. This “common power” (Hobbes, 109), commonwealth, or Leviathan, may either be exercised by “one man, or upon an assembly of man”, which is where Machiavelli’s division of republics and principalities may be drawn in. The definitions are limited as such: a principality is a state ruled by an individual, and a republic is one ruled pluralistically. The essay will establish the basic similarities between the leviathan and principalities, followed by republics, and will conclude in assessing its position as a different political system. Ultimately, I contend that the Leviathan is ambiguous in nature; it may either be a monarchy, democracy, or aristocracy. Nevertheless, it strictly imposes that ultimate power be contained by a single sovereign force, which, in any case, makes it an absolutist form of government.
Albert, Craig, William Graham, Donald Kagan, Steven Ozment and Frank Turner. "Toward Parliament Government in England" The Heritage Of World Civilizations. 9th. Combined. Upper Saddle River: Prentice Hall, 2011. 462. Print.
Society has recognized that in order to maintain direction, a line must be drawn between those who govern and those who are governed. Although governors appear to be in charge, ultimately, they are just mere delegators. The power lays in the hands of the people; however, due to the fact that the grip on that power is loose, the people are easy to give it away. Using Niccolò Machiavelli’s The Prince, and Erasmus’ Praise of Folly, this essay will argue that the governed collectively have more jurisdiction than governors, which causes governors to attempt to minimize the people’s power, in order to strengthen their own.
The redistribution of 143 seats resulted in industrial boroughs such as Manchester and Sheffield gaining an MP for the very first time and subsequently, there was a rise in the number of urban middle class voters who were now recognised and admitted into the political system. In contrast, the monarch’s influence in politics decreased due to the Reform Act, as there were fewer s...
p.323, 360 Held. The. David. 2002. The. Models of Democracy.(Cornwall).