The Power Elites Summary

During the 2017 presidential campaign, Trump promised to "drain the swamp," or rid the government of the power elites. In his chapter "The Power Elites," Mills explains that that there are often two ways the general population views the idea of a power elite. One, is through the context of the events that occur during their lifetime; for example, when people see that big things are happening and that they are not being consulted, they deduce that there is a power elite in charge (the bombing of Japan during WWII). The other perspective Mills offers is the denying of a power elite altogether, he explains that this view is often held by those who pay attention to the news and feel politically aware of their government. He then explains that both of these views are wrong; it is the conglomeration of politics, economics, and the military in policy making that creates an elitist government

(Mills). The power elite is not based on the men themselves or the historical events, but on the major institutions of society combining and forming a power structure "not before equaled in human history" (p. 74).
In order for Trump to destroy "the establishment" and "drain the swamp," he would need to eliminate the cabinet positions all together.

As Mills explains on page 76, the country is highly interconnected and dismantling any one institution would result in a dismantling of the entire country. Take for example, Steven Mnuchin (big time banker), General James Mattis (four star marine corps general), and Jeff Sessions (long time politician); all three of these men represent one of the three major institutions. Regardless of who was elected for president, their spots would have been filled with someone who has extensive knowledge over economics, defense, and politics. Ideally, they would also have a sense of public interest/altruism. However, more often than not, what ends up happening is that these men bring their extensive knowledge and power over their respective institution and combine it with their individual values. This results in an elitist power, or a swamp, that creates policies in favor of those who made them and not in favor of the common man whom Trump promised to

protect.
In addition to Trump's campaign promise to "drain the swamp," he also made staggering assumptions about the president's power to enact policies. The United States' pre-revolution history has uniquely ensured that no single entity of the government becomes too powerful. A strong British power in the colonies was enough for the makers of the constitution to ensure that history would not repeat itself. Articles 1, 2, and 3 of the constitution clearly distinguish three different, separate, and equal branches of power for power itself to be distributed. All three branches have checks and balances that keep the other two branches from having too much power. In fact, Thrower argues that the "institutional constraints" are what determine policy outcomes, not the individual. For example, the president can sign an executive order, but the judiciary branch can decide if it is unconstitutional or illegal and congress has the implied power from the necessary and proper clause to invalidate it through legislation if need be.
This division in power has already diluted and modified overbearing claims on Trump's agenda. For example, his travel ban was rejected by a federal appeals court and the government shut down resulted in the agreement to negotiate on DACA. DACA was something Trump was openly against and wanting to end. (Valverde, 2018) One of the foreseeable problems for Trump, like with any president, is getting bipartisan support from congress (Thrower). This will be more difficult than anticipated because despite the GOP majority in all three branches, the GOP itself is divided between moderates and radicals (Thrower). Therefore, if Trump wants to create effective and lasting policies, he needs the support from the legislative and judiciary branches.