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Legal implications of the statute of limitations
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“The Not So Long Arm” drawn by Bill Day on the date of 08-30-2017 depicts how former congressman David Rivera was able to avoid prosecution for illegal campaign finance activities through abuse of the statute of limitations.The cartoon appeared on the website politicalcartoons.com on Aug. 30, 2017. What is displayed in the cartoon demonstrates the pitfalls of the statute of limitations and the underhanded tactics of politicians. The way Rivera avoided being prosecuted for misusing campaign funds clearly shows the true face of Rivera, as well as how the system in place can be cheated by witty politicians. The author is arguing that the statute of limitations is used by politicians as a means of escaping prosecution. In “The Not Do Long Arm” …show more content…
The calluses on the hand implies that the hand in “The Not So Long Arm” displays implies that the arm of the law may have been after Rivera for some time, but may also mean it had been having trouble catching other politicians as well. The lack of ability to catch Rivera is shown in the second panel as it clutches the statute of limitations, so it is probable that it is having trouble with other politicians as well. It is difficult to prosecute a politician who isn’t present, as for a lack of a significant amount of evidence. Clearly the legislative branch of the government saw this to be an issue, as the new law limiting the statute of limitations passed unanimously with only three people absent in the National Legislative Assembly (Chanwanpen). The passing of this law is sure to please the artists, as he depicts Rivera as cheeky and shrewd. With the new law politicians will not be able to avoid the judicial system and proper prosecution, which will probably spark a decline in political cartoons such as this one. The law is intended to stop what the cartoon is satirizing: the way politicians maneuver through the judicial
The first activity that was presented by Mayhew is due to the tremendous advertising that the members undertake. Through advertising, a congressman is able to build a favorable reputation for himself which will then attract voters. Although the incumbent’s image can have “little or no issue content,” it is still important to gain credibility from the voters so reelection of the specific incumbent can be achieved. Different ways that congressman advertise are through frequent visits to their district, mailings or letters sent to homes, and “nonpolitical speeches to home audiences.” With
In his article, “Homestyle,” Richard Fenno seeks to answer one question: How does an elected representative's view of his/her district affect his or her political behavior? To answer this question, Fenno identifies what a Member of Congress’s
“This process of continuous alteration was applied...to every kind of literature or documentation which might hold any political or ideological significance” This refers to the process of changing the past and how the party is able to manipulate the minds of people through this process.
Buying media slots for candidates, which used to be a small business just over half a century ago, has grown so that these companies manage “more than $170 billion of their clients’ campaign funds” (Turow 230). This fact about the growth of such an industry should at a minimum raise an eyebrow, as it characterizes the shift and importance this data analysis has become. It also serves as an important point because it fuels the common fear of corruption in politics, as this data essentially offers a window to the responses and how people think to what politicians say. This could lead to the next phase of the “polished politician” where candidates will say statements that statistically receive favorable responses from the population. This strong pathos is a central pillar of the argument Turow is trying to make, effectively playing the emotion of pity from the hypothetical family situation, and building it into a fear of the system and establishment. Such emotions are strong motivators, and this combination encourages the reader to take action, or at the very least inform someone they know about such issues they weren’t even aware were
Both works provide valuable insight into the political atmosphere of American society, but vary greatly in their intended message, usage of persuasive method, projected audience, and choice of tone. One can see resemblance, however, in the fact that the authors of both articles strive to spark a reaction in their readers and encourage change. In that regard, while Hedges’
Constitutional Commentary, Vol. 27, Issue 2 (Fall 2011), pp. 347-360 Volokh, Eugene 27 Const. Comment. 347 (2010-2011)
Attempt by Congress to strike a balance between society's need for protection from crime and accused right to adequate proce...
Though Kennedy and Clinton addressed their audiences nearly thirty-two years apart, each rhetor faced a common rhetorical barrier – an American populace too heavily focused on the personalities within each respective presidential election rather than the true issues confronting the United States. To overcome that barrier, both Kennedy and Clinton utilize definitional strategies – in the form of association – as well as language strategies –specifically, historical allusions. Whether or not the speeches directly correlate with both candidates winning their presidential elections does not concern the examination; this paper observes how exactly the rhetorical devices used served to dissolve the barriers between the rhetor and the intended audience.
It is very common in the United States’ political sphere to rely heavily on T.V. commercials during election season; this is after all the most effective way to spread a message to millions of voters in order to gain their support. The presidential election of 2008 was not the exception; candidates and interest groups spent $2.6 billion on advertising that year, from which $2 billion was used exclusively for broadcast television (Seelye 2008). Although the effectiveness of these advertisements is relatively small compared to the money spent on them (Liasson 2012), it is important for American voters to think critically about the information and arguments presented by these ads. An analysis of the rhetoric in four of the political campaign commercials of the 2008 presidential election reveals the different informal fallacies utilized to gain support for one of the candidates or misguide the public about the opposing candidate. Presidential candidate Barack Obama, who belongs to the Democratic Party, broadcast the first commercial we will analyze, the title is “Seven” referring to the seven houses his opponent John McCain owns; Barack Obama tries to engage pathos which refers to the audience of the message (Ramage et Al. 2012) utilizing a form of fallacy known as “appeal to pity”, this fallacy tries to “appeal to the audience’s sympathetic feelings in order to support a claim that should be decided on more relevant or objective grounds” (Ramage et al.
Time 21 Nov. 1955:21. “No True Bill.” Newsweek 21 Nov 1955:34. “No Remedy in Law.” New Republican 21 Nov 1955:5.
"Statement of George E. Bushnell, Jr. President of the American Bar Association." Esquilax Productions: The Flag-Burning Page. http://www.esquilax.com/flag/news9.html (11 Nov. 1998).
... idea of Parliamentary Sovereignty: The Controlling Factor of Legality in the British Constitution’ (2008) OJLS 709.
South University Online. (2013). POL2076: American Government: Week 4: People and Politics—Interest Groups. Retrieved from http://myeclassonline.com
...an view, that if a Parliament sought to redefine itself, this purported redefinition would be impliedly repealed the next time that legislation was passed in this area. Therefore we can see a shift in the interpretation of parliamentary sovereignty from a traditional account that Parliament could not place, substantive limits on its lawmaking power, to the acceptance of a manner and form view in which it could.
Public Law: Text, Cases, and Materials by Andrew Le Sueur, Maurice Sunkin and Jo Murkens (Paperback - 12 Aug 2010) chapter 8 p 368-418