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The impact of world war two on canada
Canada help in ww1
The impact of the First World War on Canada
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During the First World War, Canada suffered a great conscription crisis that divided the nation. The French-Canadian nationalists, led by Henri Bourassa, opposed conscription and felt that they were fighting an English war, and therefore felt no obligation to fight. The vast majority of those who enlisted during the age of voluntary recruitment were Anglophones; in contrast, very few Francophones volunteered to fight. On 17 May 1917, Prime Minister Robert Borden announced that military service was to become compulsory among men of fighting age of all classes. French-Canadians protested; however, despite their best efforts, the Military Service Bill came into effect. The protest eventually led to lengthy riots. Following this, Canada became …show more content…
much more heavily split between the French and the English populations.
Tensions were already high between English- and French-Canadians, especially after Ontario had stopped teaching French in Catholic Schools, and the conscription crisis only served to increase them.
Prime Minister Borden had promised to provide 500,000 troops to aid in the war against the axis. When news of the gruesome trench conditions and the staggering number of casualties began to reach Canadians on the home front, the number of volunteers diminished at an astonishing rate, and the lack of reinforcements to the front lines proved detrimental to the Canadian war effort. Borden argued that obligatory military service of all men from the ages of 20 to 45 was the only way to provide these necessary reinforcements. The Francophones detested the idea of being forced to fight amongst those who had discriminated against them for years and had shown them and their culture little respect. Riots quickly ensued, and the divide between English and French Canada quickly
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intensified. The Liberal Party leader, Wilfred Laurier, disagreed with the conscription policy, making him unpopular with the English-Canadians. Robert Borden took advantage of Laurier’s position and called an election. In order to garner support, Borden brought about the Military Voters Act in August 1917. The Military Voters Act gave the vote to all British members of the Canadian Armed Forces, even to those serving overseas. The Wartime Elections Act followed, giving the vote to close female relatives of military members. Finally, Borden’s Unionist cabinet included dissident Liberal members who were willing to side with Borden against Laurier. Laurier turned to the French-Canadians for support and called for a referendum on the policy. The results clearly demonstrated the great divide between the French and the English. In the federal election called by Borden himself to demonstrate his capabilities and competence, his government won 153 seats, while the Liberals won only 82, most of which were filled by Québécois. Henri Bourassa, leader of the French-Canadian nationalists, viewed Borden’s actions as attempts to legitimize conscription, and believed his government to be autocratic and militaristic. He had even warned Borden’s government that the then-peaceful French-Canadians would turn rebellious against the “military regime” if the conscription bill were to be passed. Bourassa fought rigorously to end the conscription crisis and reunite the nation. He claimed that the French-Canadians would only accept conscription if it were also accepted by the absolute majority of all voters in Canada. Unfortunately, French-Canadians were far from accepting conscription and had begun to resort to violent acts of rebellion. This served to further widen the gap between the French- and English-speaking people of Canada; the English wanted peace within the country, and, according to Bourassa, those Anglophones who were initially for conscription only as a way to put the French-Canadians “in their place” would fight for it now more resolutely than before. Since the French-Canadian culture was not being respected, Francophones felt a great deal of resentment toward the rest of the country, and therefore did not feel the need risk their lives defending it. Tensions continued to rise until 28 March 1918, when a young man was arrested at a bowling alley in Quebec City for not having his conscription papers. Although he was released shortly after his arrest, crowds had already begun surrounding a nearby police station. These crowds were wreaking havoc in the city. They destroyed English-Canadians’ stores and looted the offices of military officers. After four days of rioting, Ottawa finally deployed troops to disperse the crowd. Unfortunately, four unarmed civilians were killed in the process, and dozens more had been wounded. The results of the riot revealed that, to the French-Canadians, the issue of conscription was not solely based on the imposition of government-mandated military service, but instead, a crude and inconsiderate policy administered by an English institution that did not take the French-Canadian population’s opinions into account. Bourassa suggested several solutions and alternatives to conscription, all of which were either denied or completely ignored.
The bill for conscription was passed in a matter of weeks, showing French-Canadians that the federal government was not considering their interests. French-Canadians were also fighting for their own cultural rights, such as the right to use French in Catholic schools in Ontario. Regulation 17 was introduced in 1912 and “restricted French-language education in the province and reignited the simmering debate over language rights.” Multiple school acts in the past had given the French and English populations equal status in the education system until Regulation 17 was brought about and amended all previous acts, infuriating the French population. In the years before the war, Bourassa had spent much of his time “campaigning for greater autonomy and linguistic parity.” When war finally broke out, he was in France, where he had fled in order to return home. On his journey home, he had witnessed Frenchmen unite and pray for the safety of France, and realized that this war could be a uniting moment for Canadians, as well. However, in 1914, Bourassa’s support for the war effort earned the disdain of many English-speaking Canadians who thought the war was a “crusade against evil and required unqualified support.” Bourassa quickly adopted his views about the war and the divide between the English-Canadian imperial nationalists and the French-Canadian
defensive nationalists intensified. Regulation 17 created tensions between the English and French populations that only intensified when the Great War broke out. These tensions would continue to develop until the issue of conscription arose. Had the tensions not already been so high, the reaction to conscription might not have been so extreme and detrimental. The Canadian conscription crisis of World War I separated the nation between the French- and English-speaking populations further than ever before. The Francophone population, whose language and culture had not been treated with proper respect by English-Canadians in the past, felt no need to defend those who they believed had wronged them. Furthermore, the riots begun in protest to conscription served to widen the divide, because they worsened the image of French Canada in the eyes of the English. The fact that the bill for conscription was passed with little to no consideration of the French-Canadians’ concerns, and regardless of Bourassa’s many attempts to find alternate solutions, showed the French-Canadians that they were not being respected by the federal government, which consisted primarily of Anglophones. These are the primary ways in which the conscription crisis divided the nation in the early twentieth century.
During this time, Canada was still a member of the British Empire and was legally at war the minute that Britain was. Even though the Canadian government was had no control about being at war, it did have control over what role Canada would play during the war. Canada could send soldiers, food and clothing, or they could even do nothing about the war. Robert Borden, who was Prime Minister at the time, felt that Canada should send soldiers, food, and clothing to Britain. He felt that Canadian's should be proud to fight for their king and country. Wilfrid Laurier, who was leader of the Opposition at the time, was hoping that the war would be over soon, and that we should offer money and food to France and Britain. Henri Bourassa, who was the publisher of Le Devoir news paper felt that Canada should do nothing, and that Britain got into the mess by themselves, so to can they get out of the mess. After much debate, the government decided to send soldiers, and economic aid to Britain for the war.
In changing his mind, he lost many citizens’ trust in their government. The majority of those opposing Borden were French-Canadians. While Canada's involvement in WW1 was supported by the vast majority of English Canadians, the issue of conscription clearly and sharply divided the country. For some Canadians it was an important and necessary contribution for a faltering war effort. However, for others it was an oppressive act passed by a more British government than Canadian. Many francophones living in canada during World War 1 were not to fond of the idea of a draft army and were more reluctant to enlist as they felt a little attachment to Britain. They did not believe that it was their war, as a result they felt suppressed by the canadian government and that their opinion, linguistic and cultural independence was ignored. The French-Canadian’s reluctance to enlist had much to do with the fact that little accommodation was made for those soldiers that did not speak English. Francophones were expected to understand the English commands given by British officers, which they resented. Their linguistic barriers were ignored and the feel of having conscription being imposed on them led to public displays of resentment. Former Prime Minister Wilfrid Laurier claimed that conscription "has in it the seeds of discord and disunion". He was correct since
To answer this, one must address the severity of the crisis, as well as the degree to which the War Measures Act would alleviate the situation. This proves to be an unexpectedly difficult task, as it is impossible to accurately capture the zeitgeist of such a turbulent time period without being subject to bias. However from a purely objective standpoint, the evidence clearly identifies that there was no insurrection, nor was one likely to take place. Trudeau relied heavily on galvanizing the risk that the FLQ posed to the Canadian public. However, this came to be a detriment to his case when the supposed danger was discredited. According to most authorities, the FLQ “was a collection of scattered, radical grouplets who communicated amongst themselves with great difficulty and apprehension”(Conrad et al). It is of course, rather difficult to carry out widespread insurrection without a cohesive unit to do so. Trudeau’s speech relied heavily on the notion that the FLQ posed a greater threat than they realistically did, and by the end of the crisis it was clear that his claims were null. However, Trudeau did not operate alone in his endeavors. The crisis was rapidly escalated in scale by local and national media alike. The media “Fed the notion of a hydra head conspiracy, unknown, unknowable, but of course infinitely dangerous”, an error that almost did more to aid in the FLQ’s influence over the country, than it did to call in any sort of justifiable action (Bothwell, 447-50). This combined with rumors of Quebec dissolving their government due to the “severity” of the situation, a rumor that was initially reported to be started by Trudeau (although it was enforced by numerous parties”) in order to gain the support of the public for the actions he was preparing to take (Clement). It is generally agreed upon that War
There was a notable divide between Canada’s French and English-speaking population in the 1960s, as they each presented contrasting views of the country’s national identity. As the federal government faced what seemed like two separate nations embodied within a single country, Prime Minister Lester B. Pearson assembled the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism in July 1963. It was to evaluate the existing state of bilingualism and biculturalism and recommend the actions needed to alleviate the largely linguistic and cultural divides in Canada. Pearson’s directive was given at a time when Quebec was experiencing a period of great social and economic development through the Quiet Revolution, while English-Canada was grappling with the re-establishment of the country’s identity as the British definition of Canada was becoming increasingly rejected. This paper will assess bilingualism and biculturalism as it challenged national identity, seen through the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism (RCBB) and the influence of the Quiet Revolution; which resulted in policy – the Official Languages Act in 1969 and the Official Multicultural Policy in 1971 – that ultimately shaped bilingualism and biculturalism within what became a multicultural framework in Canada.
Contrary to what any believe, the Battle of Vimy Ridge was more than “another bloodshed” to Canada as a nation. This battle confirmed Canada’s eligibility to participate on the world stage and that they are not to be trifled with by other nations. The accomplishments of the Canadian army brought respect from other countries to Canada. The Canadian army gained confidence in themselves after the victory at the battle Vimy Ridge The Battle of Vimy Ridge was significant to the growth of Canada as a nation.
The events of July and early August 1914 are known as the sparks that lit the explosion of World War I. Uneasy tensions that had been boiling beneath the surface of Europe for many years soon erupted and with that several alliances that were formed over the past decades were invoked, so within weeks the major powers were at war; via their colonies, the conflict advanced rapidly. When war officially broke out in 1914, Britain joined in the defense of Belgium and in reaction to Germany's violation of the treaty in which the countries neutrality was to be respected by all other nations. Upon this Britain requested that all dominions of the British Empire, including Canada were to fight on its behalf. Canada’s involvement in the War changed history, deepening our independence, strengthening our right the self govern and opening a gap between the French and English-speaking populations. Canadian's were a great asset in WW1, and it marked the beginning of independent Canadian forces fighting under a Canadian-born commander. On August 5, 1914, the Governor General declared a war between Canada and Germany.
Many Francophones believed that they were being discriminated and treated unfairly due to the British North American Act which failed to recognize the unique nature of the province in its list of provisions. Trudeau, with the aid of several colleagues, fought the imminent wave of social chaos in Quebec with anti-clerical and communist visions he obtained while in his adolescent years. However, as the nationalist movement gained momentum against the Provincial government, Trudeau came to the startling realization that Provincial autonomy would not solidify Quebec's future in the country (he believed that separatism would soon follow) and unless Duplessis could successfully negotiate (on the issue of a constitution) with the rest of Canada, the prospect of self-sovereignty for Quebec would transpire. His first essay (Quebec and the Constitutional Problem) explores
Canada's sacrifices and contributions to the war changed its history and enabled them to become more independent and they friendship with Britain grew stronger and stronger. Canada was first inducted into the World War 1 when Britain declared war on Germany, August 4, 1914. Canada being allies with Britain had to support those in the war even know they weren’t in there and fighting all on the front they were backup just in case the German soldiers broke through the trenches and head towards France. Later on the Governor General also declared war on Germany but the Canadians fought under the ruling of a Britain commander. The achievements of Canadian military during the First World War came during the Somme, Vimy Ridge, and Passchendaele battles and what later became known as "Canada's Hundred Days". They help fight for the freedom and peace for the small village of Passchendaele and however as it was a muddy hell, they still persevered throu...
will be shown that the French-Canadian response to these tensions gave way for the birth of
The War Measures Act was a law passed in 1914 by the Canadian Government in Canada during WWI, amongst many others that the government had passed that allowed the government to take control of communications, establish censorship of transatlantic cables, and organize the militia (Bolotta, Angelo et al. 39). The War Measures Act itself allowed the government to: censor and suppress publications, writing, maps, plans, photographs, communications, and means of communication, arrest, detain, exclude, and deport persons, control harbours, ports, and territorial waters of Canada and the movements of vessels, control the transport of persons and things by land, air, or water control trade, production, and manufacturing, and appropriate and dispose of property and of the use thereof (Bolotta, Angelo et al. 39). It gave the government emergency powers “allowing it to govern by decree” while Canada was in war (War). In World War I (1914-1920), it had been used to imprison those who were of German, Ukrainian, and Slavic decent, and was used in the same way again in WWII (1939-1945) to imprison Japanese-Canadians, and to seize all of their belongings. They were then relocated into internment camps and concentration camps (Bolotta, Angelo et al. 171). Both times, those that were persecuted did not have the right to object (War). Those these laws had been created for the purpose of protecting Canadians from threats or wars for security, defense, peace order and welfare of Canada it instead greatly limited the rights and freedoms of Canadian citizens and debasing immigrants of enemy countries both in WWI and WWII (Bolotta, Angelo et. Al 39).
...12 908 conscripted troops overseas in 1944. Unlike Borden, Lyon stayed true to his word and allowed the exemptions of conscientious objectors. The imposition of conscription pleased the Anglophone ministers under his power and the anti-conscriptionists didn’t revolt nearly as much as those in World War One. Because this policy was introduced so late in the war, only 2463 men reached the frontlines and of those only 79 died. Enforcing conscription was a risky gamble for the Prime Minister. It further outlined the linguistic barriers of the country and forced him to address both the French and English Canadians’ political needs during a time of war. Although his actions were questionable by some, William Lyon Mackenzie King was able to remain as the Prime Minister until his retirement in 1948 and successfully led the nation through a victory in the Second World War.
Canadians who had been itching to get into action for two years, were flung into battle ill-prepared and
The fall of Quebec was a turning point in Canadian history, changing it from a French colony to a British colony. Had this battle gone the other way, English might be the second language, not French. The battle of Quebec was one of many battles during the 'Seven Year War'. They called it the Maritime War. It was officially declared in May 1756. Britain and Prussia were on one side and France, Spain, and Austria on the other. The war moved across the Atlantic Ocean from Europe because the French and the British were fighting over furs and land. Britain, while subsidizing and aiding Prussia, its only European ally, sought victory in America and sent what was for that century an overwhelming number of regular troops in order to stiffen the military of the American colonies.
government, t. p. (n.d.). Quebec Nationalism - Quebec History. Faculty.marianopolis.edu. Retrieved May 27, 2012, from http://faculty.marianopolis.edu/c.belanger/quebechistory/events/natpart4.htm
Canada has played a vital role in international relations for the majority of its 144 year history since the signing of Confederation in 1867. Canada first participated in World War I, then World War II in 1939-1945. Following World War II, Canada was also involved in the Korean War. Canada has been primarily a peacekeeping nation. There are many questions people ask when a high income country goes to help a lower income nation such as Afghanistan. What are Canada’s motives for helping out Afghanistan? Who will benefit from Canada going to war in Afghanistan? These are some of the questions many people have. While Canada has many domestic problems of its own such as homelessness, poverty and increasing national debt, why should Canada get involved with a problem that is across the globe? Are the costs of going to war out weight the political benefits? Modernity, modernization theory and gender stratification are some key concepts that are related to Canada going to war in Afghanistan.