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The realist and idealist theory of international relations
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The benefits of using theories outweigh the drawbacks because, without theories to break down information, it is difficult to understand international relations. Theories are blueprints that help us to understand our changing world in any possible way. They lend out a helping hand in seeing the larger picture that makes up international relations. The benefits of theories are the clear plans they present of what is to be expected, having an organization of their ideas, and presenting more than one hypothesis; however, the drawbacks are finding flaws within a theory, ignorance of different levels of analysis, and the possibility of finding useless information. Theories have clear, thoughtful ideas which are important when it comes to a plan. …show more content…
One way that theories show organization is by having subtopics or subdivisions within their broad topic. Organization boosts the understanding of an idea, with out it and clarity, it would be more difficult to explain international relations—a broad term. Constructivism is a perfect example of having subdivisions. Constructivism is split into consistent constructivism and constructivism as a “ 'middle ground ' between rationalist and poststructuralist approaches to IR” (Fierke 193). Within consistent constructivism, one can find language, rules, reasons, and causes, according to Fierke (196-7). Under the middle ground constructivism is deciding whether constructivism is an approach or a theory. Fierke states: “[o]n the one hand, if constructivism and positivism rely on differing assumptions about the nature of 'reality ' then building a constructivist theory on a positivist epistemology is inconsistent” (194). However, he continues: “[o]n the other hand, to treat constructivism as a theory in the same sense as realism is misleading” (194). Fierke questions whether or not one could consider constructivism as a theory or an approach, but ultimately constructivism is a theory—just different from theories such as realism, in his opinion. If Fierke did not organize constructivism into two different categories, the ideas would mix and be hard to understand. Organization of ideas are not just for pretty looks, but …show more content…
First, theories can have flaws. Theories are blueprints after all; they are not the finalized plan. Theories could be seen as papers that never seem to leave the drafting stage. Not much is constantly changing, but minor changes are being made. DPT—democratic peace theory—within liberalism has inconsistencies, but overall these inconsistencies are not common. One could find many flaws in owning an Android or an iPhone, but that does not stop people from buying them and using them because their flaws are not entirely significant; they are both phones that work how they were designed to just like theories. Second, theories can be ignorant to other levels of analysis. Classical realism, for example, focuses on the first level of analysis—the individual—and overall ignores the state and international level. However, trying to cover the bases of every single level of analysis is not a theory 's intention. It is supposed to be specific and trying to appeal to every level would be near impossible; that is why we have multiple theories to explain international relations. Theories are there to break down each level of analysis. Lastly, theories may seem to have useless information if not analyzed carefully. Detailed information is important and can be significantly useful, but those details could also be unnecessary depending on what an
... a theory should be able to explain a wide variety of things, not just only what it was intended to explain.
The idea of war and how it can be justified, is a rather trick topic to touch on, as there are diverse ethical and sociological implications that have to be weighed on every step. Mainly we could look at the “Just War Theory” and see how that could possibly apply to the real world. To be able to enter a “Just War” nations must meet six criteria in Jus ad Bellum (Going to War). The criteria is as follows: “Just Cause”, “Right Intention”, “Proper Authority and Public Declaration”, “Last Resort”, “Probability of Success”, and lastly “Proportionality”. However the tricky bit of the Just War theory, is that all six of those elements must be met, to go to war in a morally justifiable way. This could make an easy blockade for nations to veto another nation's effort to enter a war, even if morally justifiable. The problem with an internationally mandated “war-committee”, means that the fate of another nation's well-being could very well be in the hands of a nation with an ulterior motive. It could also fall into the grounds of new found illegal activity. Lets give a hypothetical situation, say nation 'X' wants to go to war with nation 'Y' in an act of self-defence, but it doesn't meet some of the requirements for “Just War theory” and is thus blocked by the war-committee. Then as a consequence, nation 'X' is invaded and annexed due to lack of defence. Nation 'X' could have made an effort to prepare for war, but at the cost of possibly being condemned and sanctioned by the war-committee. In an overall view, it's easy to see why the UN or other major international coalitions will not adopt a system based around Just War Theory.
“Never think that war, no matter how necessary, nor how justified, is not a crime.” As depicted in the quote by Ernest Hemingway war is a difficult situation in which the traditional boundaries of moral ethics are tested. History is filled with unjust wars and for centuries war was not though in terms of morality. Saint Augustine, however, offered a theory detailing when war is morally permissible. The theory offers moral justifications for war as expressed in jus ad bellum (conditions for going to war) and in jus in bello (conditions within warfare).The theory places restrictions on the causes of war as well as the actions permitted throughout. Within early Christianity, the theory was used to validate crusades as morally permissible avoiding conflict with religious views. Based on the qualifications of the Just War Theory few wars have been deemed as morally acceptable, but none have notably met all the requirements. Throughout the paper I will apply Just War Theory in terms of World War II as well as other wars that depict the ideals presented by Saint Augustine.
There are many definitions to theory. According to Akers (2009) “theories are tentative answers to the commonly asked questions about events and behavior” (Akers, (2009, p. 1). Theory is a set of interconnect statements that explain how two or more things are related in two casual fashions, based upon a confirmed hypotheses and established multiple times by disconnected groups of researchers.
...Realist International Theory and the Study of World Politics.” in New Thinking in International Relations Theory. ed. Doyle, Michael w. and G. John Ikenberry (eds.) (Westview Press: 1997).
Mearsheimer J. J. (2010). Structural Realism. International Relations Thoeries, Discipline and Diversity (Second Edition), p.77-94
In world politics there are different theories that help actors make decisions and lead states. A theory is “a hypothesis postulating the relationship between variables of conditions advanced to describe, explain, or predict phenomena’s and make prescriptions about how to pursue particular goals and follow ethical principles.” The three different types of theories I will be discussing are realism, liberalism, and constructivism. Each theory has its own history and of course each has its problems. Leaders use these theories to make decisions and also how to reach certain goals.
To view this crisis I chose the individual level of analysis because it is very easy to take that approach when you have three major key players as I mentioned above. Each and every one of those men held an excruciating amount of power which could have changed the total outcome of the Cuban Missile Crisis if not used correctly. They all had the highest influences on how the crisis would end. The relationship between countries can be compared to a puzzle. One leaders relative power depicts one single piece to the dynamic puzzle made up by all respective countries and leaders. I drew to the conclusion that the individual level of analysis and international relations theory of realism combined together and allowed me to describe the situations of the Cuban Missile Crisis in the best way possible. The powerful leaders such as Preside...
Both of these are international relations theories. International relations theories aid the individual in better understanding why states behave the way in which they do and “several major schools of thought are discernable, differentiated principally by the variables they emphasize” (Slaughter 1). That being said, to understand offensive neorealism, one must firstly be able to know the basis of realism in itself, as well as differentiate neorealism from neoclassical realism. Stephen G. Brooks argues in his article “Dueling Realisms” that both “neorealism and postclassical realism do share important similarities: both have a systemic focus; both are state-centric; both view international politics as inherently competitive; both emphasize material factors, rather than nonmaterial factors, such as ideas and institutions; and both assume states are egoistic actors that pursue self-help” (Brooks 446). Structural realism is another term for neorealism, and both will be used interchangeably in the following case study. Aside from these shared values that both reflect, the two forms of realism both present very different or conflicting views on state behaviour. For one, neorealists believe “the international system is defined by anarchy—the absence of a central authority” (Slaughter 2) and that states take action based on the possibility of conflict, always looking at a worst-case scenario, whereas postclassical realists believe that states make decisions and take actions based on the probability of an attack or act of aggression from other states (Brooks 446). To expand on neorealism’s possibility outlook, Kenneth Waltz argues, “in the absence of a supreme authority [due to anarchy], there is then constant possibility that conflicts will be settled by force” (Brooks 447). Neorealists look at the possibility of conflict due to the potential cost of war, due to
The first paradigm of international relations is the theory of Realism. Realism is focused on ideas of self-interest and the balance of power. Realism is also divided into two categories, classical realism and neo-realism. Famous political theorist, Hans Morgenthau was a classical realist who believed that national interest was based on three elements, balance of power, military force, and self interest (Kleinberg 2010, 32). He uses four levels of analysis to evaluate the power of a state. The first is that power and influence are not always the same thing. Influence means the ability to affect the decision of those who have the power to control outcomes and power is the ability to determine outcomes. An example of influence and power would be the UN’s ability to influence the actions of states within the UN but the state itself has the power to determine how they act. Morgenthau goes on to his next level of analysis in which he explains the difference in force and power in the international realm. Force is physical violence, the use of military power but power is so much more than that. A powerful state can control the actions of another state with the threat of force but not actually need to physical force. He believed that the ability to have power over another state simply with the threat of force was likely to be the most important element in analysis the power of as state (Kleinberg 2010, 33-34).
...ous situations, possibly because these studies have attributed motive and action to the states rather than to the decision-makers within them. Thus, foreign relations and policies can truly be strengthened when people can view and truly appreciate international issue in many different perspectives, such as realist, idealist, liberalist, constructivism, feminist, world economic system analysis, etc. When people are able to see issues and solutions to problems in many different ways world peace might be reachable.
Smith, T. General Liberalism and Social Change in a Post-WWII America, http://link.springer.com/article/10.1007%2FBF00287217#close, November 30th 1999
To conclude, there are four main components of the realist approach to international relations, they are: state which includes egoism as the states are composed by the selfish people, self-help which includes balance of power as power is used to enhance the survival rate, survival which includes hegemony in order to maintain its position and anarchical system which related to lust for power and led to security dilemma.
Deterrence is a theory of International relations based in Realism. Essentially, it tries to explain the situation of when two or more states threaten retaliation if attacked, in order to deter the attack. It is therefore possible to very simply state deterrence as "You hit me, I hit you." For this essay, two main questions have to be addressed, ‘Has it worked?’ and ‘Does it make sense?’ To answer these questions, I will firstly define what deterrence is, I will then examine some of the main arguments for and against it, in theory and in reality; finally, I will show some of the consequences of states following such a policy. Deterrence, as already stated, can concern itself with any form of threatened counter-attack, however, for this essay, I shall be concentrating on Nuclear deterrence, using examples from the cold war, therefore, when the word ‘deterrence’ is used, it should be taken as ‘nuclear deterrence’. Hedley Bull describes deterrence as follows: "To say that country A deters country B from doing something is to imply the following: (i) That Country A conveys to Country B a threat to inflict punishment or deprivation of values if it embarks on a certain course of action; (ii) That Country B might otherwise embark on that course of action; (iii) That Country B believes that Country A has the capacity and the will to carry out the threat, and decides for this reason that the course of action is not worthwhile." Therefore, for deterrence to occur, a state must convey a message to another state, usually "these will be the public an authoritative utterances of government officials." Secondly, to use Hedley Bulls’ language, country B would consider following a course of action which Country A does not wish and does not because of the threat - not because it has no interest to. Thirdly, Country A must be able to convince Country B that it is capable of carrying out its deterrence threat and is prepared to use it. Mutual deterrence is where two or more states deter each other from following a set of actions - effectively a stand off or a stalemate between the actors. The concept of deterrence can be seen easily in public statements, for example, Churchill told Parliament on Britains hydrogen bomb was, "the deterrent upon the Soviet union by putting her....on an equality or near equality of vulnerability," a soviet ...
The dependency theory is a very different approach than the others. It offers great insight into a concept that is often overlooked, however, this theory risks being too narrow. It does not do a great deal to account for other types of international relationships. Power is at the center of this theory as well, and in this situation, it is beneficial to one