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Citizens united supreme court case
Citizens united supreme court case
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“Democracy in America is over” (Grayson). The Supreme Court’s decision in favor of Citizens United leads us further down a path that will leave everyday citizens disenfranchised and wealthy, private interests more powerful than ever. The case was appealed to the Supreme Court by Citizens United after lower courts declared their film, “Hillary”, illegal under the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act. It was considered independent spending on what is essentially political propaganda attacking Hillary Clinton and spending falling into this category made within 30 days of an election is illegal under the BCRA. Citizens United claimed that the part of the law they were said to be in violation of was unconstitutional and limited their free speech and that they were not in violation anyway, since their advertising was not done by direct …show more content…
There is little precedent supporting their decision except a strong push from certain interest groups and people who wish to expand the territory of the first amendment. It is strange to many that the court would act so contrarily to their ruling in McConnell vs. FEC, but there are a few key differences between the cases that may have changed the narrowly won decision for both cases. Most notably, Citizens United was producing a film that could arguably have more lasting and historical power than the contested pieces from McConnell vs. FEC, so it may be more reasonable to move it from the category of political advertising. Both cases were decided with narrow 5 to 4 margins, so this subtle difference went a long way in swaying opinion. The court also claimed that political speech under the first amendment could not be limited only because the speech came from a corporation and that funding of political broadcasts could not be limited if it is independently created and disclosed in accordance with the
...nsible for the content of this advertising.” Citizens United, aware that the airing of Hillary during the 2008 primaries would be illegal, tried to obtain an injunction to preclude the Federal Election Commission from enforcing the McCain-Feingold Act, claiming that sections 201, 203, and 311 of the law violated the First Amendment. The Federal Election Commission, despite Citizens United’s efforts, held that broadcast of Hillary would violate the McCain-Feingold Act and proceeded to ban the film from airing on television. Citizens United, seeking injunctive relief, decided to bring its case before the United States District Court for the District of Columbia. However, upon discovering that the United States District Court for the District of Columbia had denied its application, Citizens United decided to appeal the case to the Supreme Court of the United States.
This example of a Supreme Court case shows that the court is not above politics. Even though most Americans, including government officials, practiced some form of Christianity, the judges were not willing to compromise the information in the Constitution for the popular beliefs of individuals. I agree with the Supreme Court in its decision to ban the practice of prayer in public schools. Not only does it violate the Constitution, but it encroaches on our freedom of thought and action. Being excluded from a public classroom because of personal beliefs does not sound just.
The past few years, I’ve taken an interest into our constitution. As a result of this interest, I would at times sift through interesting Supreme Court cases. Tinker v. Des Moines and Johnson v. Texas would, to some, conflict with cases like Schenck v. United States. The line drawn on the issue of free speech to others may be blurry, but to me, it has always been crystal clear. So when Super PACs, Political Action Committees that can donate unlimited funds to an independent cause, arose, I concurred with the Supreme Court’s decision to protect free speech. To most it seems, Super PACs are just evil PACs, and they, unlike regular PACs, ruin elections. They really only differ by their method, however, when discussing the movement of money. Super PACs are run “independently”, and PACs are usually partisan.
I don’t believe that it is a good thing for the United States and the world in general and it isn’t a good way to accomplish the idea of big corporations wanting to restrict consumers from using the civil justice system. I personally believe and am siding with the conflict theorist on this film. I don’t feel that it’s right to try and reduce the ability of the normal American citizen to sue a company when the company is in the wrong doing. I feel that a conflict theorist would not agree with this idea and that the American citizen has a right to sue for a wrong doing if they chose so. I feel as though they believe that this would be infringing on the rights of the Americans and their ability to do what they want and how this is essentially restricting their constitutional rights. Now
Campaign finance reform has a broad history in America. In particular, campaign finance has developed extensively in the past forty years, as the courts have attempted to create federal elections that best sustain the ideals of a representative democracy. In the most recent Supreme Court decision concerning campaign finance, Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission, the Court essentially decided to treat corporations like individuals by allowing corporations to spend money on federal elections through unlimited independent expenditures. In order to understand how the Supreme Court justified this decision, however, the history of campaign finance in regards to individuals must be examined. At the crux of these campaign finance laws is the balancing of two democratic ideals: the ability of individuals to exercise their right to free speech, and the avoidance of corrupt practices by contributors and candidates. An examination of these ideals, as well as the effectiveness of the current campaign finance system in upholding these ideas, will provide a basic framework for the decision of Citizens United v. FEC.
At first glance, it seems implausible the word democracy isn't written in the United States Constitution, or in the Preamble of the Constitution, or even in the Declaration of Independence. One would assume a concept so paramount to modern American culture would surely be derived from one of its oldest and most endeared documents. Alas, it is not. The Constitution only specifically mentions two entities, the government and “We the People”. Defining government is an easy enough task, but who are “We the People”? Originally consisting of only white male property owners, eventually adding in other races, income classes, women, and astonishingly, corporations, the definition of “We the People” has evolved numerous times. Corporation is another key term the architects of our government failed to define for us, perhaps that is why it found its way into the phrase “We the People”. A grave dilemma lies in this fallible defining of terms. Granting corporations person-hood legislatively shifts the power of democracy from human interests to corporate interests. This corrosion of human interest can clearly be noted when examining the battle over corporate power highlighted in the court cases of Sebelius v. Hobby Lobby, Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission, and United States v. Sourapas and Crest Beverage Company.
The court system has jumped back and forth throughout the years and this may seem very confusing to the average person but they’ve never changed their mind on the big cases that were said in the previous paragraph. But the court seems to be sporadic in its decisions outside of these big cases. It all starts in 1962 when they held that prayer in the public schools was a violation of the first amendment.
Speechnow.org v. FEC brings out a few significant keys. First, the freedom of speech and the right to privacy are the regarded as high standing rulings in America. Those things have the ability to be corrupted, but, ultimately, the court’s will leave it is up to the citizens of the United States to make those decisions for themselves. Also, another significant factor is campaign finance is an ever-changing topic that has loopholes that need to be addressed on a case-to-case basis.
Overall, the ruling in this case was a perfect interpretation of the Constitution. Despite opposition claiming that it is not addressed in the Constitution, too few rights are ever addressed in the Constitution of the United States. That is why there is a thing called Judicial Review. By utilizing judicial review, the interpreters of the law –Supreme Court, may make changes to policies and laws. Abortion, medicinal marijuana, and marriage fall under the umbrella of Equal Protection since they correspond to the rights and liberties of US citizens.
Constitutionally, the case at first appears to be a rather one-sided violation of the First Amendment as incorporated through the Fourteenth. The court, however, was of a different opinion: "...
In this complicated case, the Court arrived at two important conclusions. First, it held that restrictions on individual contributions to political campaigns and candidates did not violate the First Amendment since the limitations of the FECA enhance the "integrity of our system of representative democracy" by guarding against unscrupulous practices. Second, the Court found that governmental restriction of independent expenditures in campaigns, the limitation on expenditures by candidates from their own personal or family resources, and the limitation on total campaign expenditures did violate the First Amendment. Since these practices do not necessarily enhance the potential for corruption that individual contributions to candidates do, the Court found that restricting them did not serve a government interest great enough to warrant a curtailment on free speech and association.
In 2002, the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act (BCRA) was passed with the intent of constraining the ability of corporations and other wealthy organizations from exerting undue influence on federal elections. During the campaign for the 2008 presidential election, a conservative political organization called Citizens United attempted to release a movie denouncing Democratic candidate Hillary Clinton, but was required to request an injunction against the Federal Elections Commission, or the FEC. This federal agency imposes campaign finance law, due to restrictions of the BCRA- specifically, section 203, which prohibited the use of general treasury funds to fund electioneering communications, and sections 201 and 311, which mandates that the corporation
The religious aspect that this Supreme Court case has screaming right away is the actions of Mr. Philips decision in which "pits religious believers against the nonreligious". Mr. Philips denied making a cake for Charlie Craig and David Mullins which caused controversy within the state of Colorado. This case as well is brining many other issues to light that are not being publicly mentioned as for this case is, yet nevertheless its stirring the melting pot in America that in not all cases should the government rules and regulations should be followed to the bullet points. Such as the findings founded in the "Lavender Scare" in which founded and called homosexuals in work settings publicly and shunned them. It was founded as well in President Carters staff
The American government prides itself on the foundational principle of democracy which allows individual voices to be heard. Afterall, the roots of power in our nation stem from the people. The Constitution was established to ensure the balance of powers among the federal government, state legislature, and the common people. Time, however, has worked against the American people in the battle towards democracy. The idea of a governing body drawing its power directly from its constituents has been undermined by the corrupt nature of modern politics where politicians act out of self-interest. While the Constitution and later amendments had every intention of securing basic liberties, certain limitations later undermined the original intentions of the founding fathers to give power back to the people by placing the larger majority of power in the hands of the state.
In 1969, the Supreme Court found in the case of Red Lion Broadcasting Co. v. FCC that the fairness doctrine did not undermine the First Amendment rights. However, the court cautioned that if the doctrine's provisions began stifling free speech, it would then be unconstitutional. In a later case of 1974 - Miami Herald Publishing Co. v. Tornillo - the