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Medias influence on society
Medias influence on society
Medias influence on society
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Introduction On a hot summer day in August 1999, Nashville police officers arrested William Ware on the basis of state sedition charges that two white citizens had brought against him. Night judge Draper? swore out the warrant against Ware after the two citizens, who also happened to be lawyers, had consulted with each other after. Both had seemingly taken issue with a statement that Ware had allegedly made during a visit to the city’s controversial Liberation School: “black people should try to achieve political, social, and economic power by any means necessary, including violence.” The basis for the sedition charges that the unequal pair of lawyers filed seemed to be taken right out of the coverage of the Ranner, the city’s evening newspaper …show more content…
known for its emotionally charged, politically incorrect coverage of anything that “smacked” of communism (and African American efforts for liberation and self-determination almost exclusively fell under this category). Spending several days in prison before a grand jury cleared him of the charges, Ware, who had gained familiarity with the city’s specific take on law and order a few months earlier, when police and young black protesters clashes, seemed not to be surprised by the random nature of his arrest. However, he was somewhat astounded that two private citizens could file such far-reaching charges against him, while stating that their ability likely correlated with the color of their skin. The encounter with a peculiar state provision provided Ware with additional insight into the workings of a society that set few restrictions on white racial violence while closely scrutinizing each and every step or word of Black Power activists. Coming of age at a momentous phase of the black liberation struggle, Ware’s activism with S during the hot phase of black power, especially his foreign travels with Carmichael, received a lot of national attention; just as his domestic activism would receive a considerable amount of police oversight. Different than the charges that the two lawyers brought against him, the Habeas Corpus … that Ware filed was deemed unsubstantiated by the judge who was in charge of the case. When the Banner commented on the jury’s decision to drop the charges against him, it emphasized that the jurors, well-established and “trustworthy” members of the community made the decision after due consideration. In various ways, the cases heralded the end of a long phase of southern exceptionalism in the legal realm. No longer was it necessary to rely on obscure state laws from a “different” time, rather, the federal state now not only sanctioned, but provided the legal and extra-legal measures as well as the economic means to smother various forms of radical activism. Nevertheless, Ware and other activists did not fully give up on the nation’s legal system.
In his later life, Ware showed up in court several times. But this time not as defendant, but as expert witness on behalf of black musicians and as party in a suit aimed to get religious shrines and other sacred objects returned to his congregation. Different from the more notorious black power advocates like Stokely Carmichael and H. Rap Brown, Ware’s life trajectory has received little attention. The encounter in Nashville was the only one in which he stood in the limelight, at least as far as the Banner was concerned. Receiving only limited attention from the nation’s most popular newspapers, Ware arrest in Nassau coincided with a wave of urban unrests unheard of in the nation’s history. Moreover, it happened during a time of consolidation, when Southern local and state governments began to cooperate with federal police agencies to “contain” the increasingly unruly masses of poor people in the nation’s urban centers. In addition, different from the two other black power proponents, whose audacious rhetoric and later life stories squarely fit into a historical narrative that long portrayed the black power movement and its most prominent protagonists as at best mentally unstable at worst as outright criminal, and responsible for both the decline of whites’ support for blacks’ civil rights and that of the nation’s cities, Ware’s later life looks, at least at the first glance, suspiciously ordinary (for the sake of a better word). It has the potential to demonstrate the more nuanced and less easily detectable reverberations of a search for black empowerment that for many, including Ware, was also a struggle to define a positive identity during a time that many cultural, social, and economic traditions of Africans or African-descendants were deemed utterly backward, if not outright
uncivilized.
After careful consideration, I have decided to use the books dedicated to David Walker’s Appeal and The Confessions of Nat Turner and compare their similarities and differences. It is interesting to see how writings which has the same purpose of liberating enslaved Black people can be interpreted so differently, especially in the matter of who was reading them. Akin to how White people reacted to Turner’s Rebellion, which actually had promising results while most would see the immediate backlashes and to which I intend to explain more. As most would put emphasis on the Confession itself, I assume, I decided to focus more on the reactions and related documents regarding the Rebellion.
Writing around the same time period as Phillips, though from the obverse vantage, was Richard Wright. Wright’s essay, “The Inheritors of Slavery,” was not presented at the American Historical Society’s annual meeting. His piece is not festooned with foot-notes or carefully sourced. It was written only about a decade after Phillips’s, and meant to be published as a complement to a series of Farm Credit Administration photographs of black Americans. Wright was not an academic writing for an audience of his peers; he was a novelist acceding to a request from a publisher. His essay is naturally of a more literary bent than Phillips’s, and, because he was a black man writing ...
...ty and their survival as a group in society because of restraint from the federal government in the ability to litigate their plight in Court. The Author transitions the past and present signatures of Jim Crow and the New Jim Crow with the suggestion that the New Jim Crow, by mass incarceration and racism as a whole, is marginalizes and relegates Blacks to residential, educational and constitutionally endowed service to Country.
“The New Jim Crow” is an article by Michelle Alexander, published by the Ohio State Journal of Criminal Law. Michelle is a professor at the Ohio State Moritz college of criminal law as well as a civil rights advocate. Ohio State University’s Moritz College of Law is part of the world’s top education system, is accredited by the American Bar Association, and is a long-time member of the American Law association. The goal of “The New Jim Crow” is to inform the public about the issues of race in our country, especially our legal system. The article is written in plain English, so the common person can fully understand it, but it also remains very professional. Throughout the article, Alexander provides factual information about racial issues in our country. She relates them back to the Jim Crow era and explains how the large social problem affects individual lives of people of color all over the country. By doing this, Alexander appeals to the reader’s ethos, logos, and pathos, forming a persuasive essay that shifts the understanding and opinions of all readers.
When talking about the history of African-Americans at the turn of the twentieth century, two notable names cannot be left out; Booker T. Washington and W.E.B Du Bois. They were both African-American leaders in the late 1800’s to early 1900’s, fighting for social justice, education and civil rights for slaves, and both stressed education. This was a time when blacks were segregated and discriminated against. Both these men had a vision to free blacks from this oppression. While they came from different backgrounds, Washington coming from a plantation in Virginia where he was a slave, and Du Bois coming from a free home in Massachusetts, they both experienced the heavy oppression blacks were under in this Post-Civil War society. Booker T. Washington and W.E.B Du Bois were both pioneers in striving to obtain equality for blacks, yet their ways of achieving this equality were completely different. W.E.B Du Bois is the more celebrated figure today since he had the better method because it didn’t give the whites any power, and his method was intended to achieve a more noble goal than Washington’s.
Black Power, the seemingly omnipresent term that is ever-so-often referenced when one deals with the topic of Black equality in the U.S. While progress, or at least the illusion of progress, has occurred over the past century, many of the issues that continue to plague the Black (as well as other minority) communities have yet to be truly addressed. The dark cloud of rampant individual racism may have passed from a general perspective, but many sociologists, including Stokely Carmichael; the author of “Black Power: the Politics of Liberation in America”, have and continue to argue that the oppressive hand of “institutional racism” still holds down the Black community from making any true progress.
C. Vann Woodward’s book, The Strange Career of Jim Crow, has been hailed as a book which shaped our views of the history of the Civil Rights Movement and of the American South. Martin Luther King, Jr. described the book as “the historical Bible of the civil rights movement.” The argument presented in The Strange Career of Jim Crow is that the Jim Crow laws were relatively new introductions to the South that occurred towards the turn of the century rather than immediately after the end of Reconstruction after the Civil War. Woodward examines personal accounts, opinions, and editorials from the eras as well as the laws in place at the times. He examines the political history behind the emergence of the Jim Crow laws. The Strange Career of Jim Crow gives a new insight into the history of the American South and the Civil Rights Movement.
Marable, Manning. Race, reform, and rebellion: the second reconstruction and beyond in Black America, 1945-2006. 3rd ed. Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2007. Print
In this story it clearly shows us what the courts really mean by freedom, equality, liberty, property and equal protection of the laws. The story traces the legal challenges that affected African Americans freedom. To justify slavery as the “the way things were” still begs to define what lied beneath slave owner’s abilities to look past the wounded eyes and beating hearts of the African Americans that were so brutally possessed.
Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. was the leader of a peaceful movement to end segregation in the United States this mission led him in 1963 to Birmingham, Alabama where officials and leaders in the community actively fought against desegregation. While performing sit-ins, marches and other nonviolent protests, King was imprisoned by authorities for violating the strict segregation laws. While imprisoned King wrote a letter entitled “Letter from Birmingham Jail”, in which he expresses his disappointment in the clergy, officials, and people of Birmingham. This letter employed pathos to argue that the leaders and ‘heroes’ in Birmingham during the struggle were at fault or went against their beliefs.
Ogbar, Jeffrey. Black Power Radical Politics and African American Identity. Baltimore: John Hopkins UP, 2004, 124.
The Scottsboro Trial and the trial of Tom Robinson are almost identical in the forms of bias shown and the accusers that were persecuted. The bias is obvious and is shown throughout both cases, which took place in the same time period. Common parallels are seen through the time period that both trials have taken place in and those who were persecuted and why they were persecuted in the first place. The thought of "All blacks were liars, and all blacks are wrongdoers," was a major part of all of these trails. A white person's word was automatically the truth when it was held up to the credibility of someone whom was black. Both trials were perfect examples of how the people of Alabama were above the law and could do whatever they wanted to the black people and get away with it. In both trials lynch mobs were formed to threaten the black people who were accused. Judge Hornton tried many times to move the case to a different place so that a fair trial could take place and not be interrupted by the racist people. Finally was granted to move the case even though the lynch mobs threatened to kill everyone who was involved in the case if it were to be moved. In this essay the bias and racism in both trials are going to be clarified and compared to each other.
With tensions at an all time high and the nation at a potential breaking point, the decision in the Dred Scott Case came as a surprise to both the North and the South. The decision had drastic consequences, southern principles were validated while northern liberties were threatened. Therefore it is not surprising that The New York Herald and The Charleston Mercury had very different view points and reporting styles. The northern newspaper viewed the decision’s impact as having “tremendous consequences,” the article included how the Supreme Court’s ruling dismantled northern states’ rights, threatened their liberty and state constitutions. While the southern newspaper saw the decision as a “triumph” for southern rights, likely because it granted and validated property rights, and limited Congress’ political debates over slavery. The Federal government could no longer meddle in state affairs and ended the need for compromises between anti and pro-slavery states. Although the North and the South had very different opinions on the decision’s impact, one thing was clear this decision was not the end of the agitation between anti and pro-slavery states. Political agitations prior to the Dred Scott case influenced how this dynamic decision was viewed and reported in The New York Herald, “The Decision of the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott Case, and Its Tremendous Consequences” and in The Charleston Mercury, “The Dred Scott Case-The Supreme Court on the Rights of the South”.
In the 20th century, Greensboro, North Carolina was recognized for its “progressive outlooks, especially in industrial development, education and race relations” (4). As a progressive city, Greensboro allowed its blacks some educational and intellectual freedom. For example, individuals like Nell Coley and Vance Chavis openly announced their participation in the NAACP and advocated blacks to register for voting (24). This open exchange of ideas gave blacks a sense of power and ultimately led to gatherings with an agenda. At these gatherings, blacks began to demand: better job opportunities, decent housing, and quality equipment for schools (9). The ability for blacks to speak freely on their opinions is an example of progressive mystique, and the philosophy of hospitability to new ideas. As a result of this freedom, Greensboro’s blacks woul...
In this narrative essay, Brent Staples provides a personal account of his experiences as a black man in modern society. “Black Men and Public Space” acts as a journey for the readers to follow as Staples discovers the many societal biases against him, simply because of his skin color. The essay begins when Staples was twenty-two years old, walking the streets of Chicago late in the evening, and a woman responds to his presence with fear. Being a larger black man, he learned that he would be stereotyped by others around him as a “mugger, rapist, or worse” (135).