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Espionage used during the cold war
Cold war era on intelligence community
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Richard Immerman bookends his monograph, The Hidden Hand: A Brief History of the CIA, with reflections on the role of public expectations in the shaping of the CIA’s image, both externally and internally. In-between, Immerman attempts to reconcile the antagonism between the CIA’s actions and its fundamental task. Stated otherwise, Immerman reveals a history of the “competition between covert, particularly paramilitary operations, and its core mission of collection and analysis.” Immerman, who currently serves as a Professor of History at Temple University, has held multiple positions within the intelligence network which has granted him access to privy material. He identifies his main questions in regard to the CIA as: What it does and has …show more content…
done? What it is? And finally, what it should be? While Immerman is extremely informative and insightful into the CIA’s history; his conclusions about the future of the Company remain elusive. It is evident that Immerman believes that the CIA hindered its own efficacy and image by acting against its core mission; however, he also appears reluctant and at times distrustful of third-party critics of the intelligence community. The question then remains of where or to whom the intelligence community should look towards for structure? While Immerman doesn’t fully answer this question in his book, his examination of the bureaucratic complications and organizational shortcomings of the CIA does complexly illuminate an area of not only US intelligence, but also one within public imagination. One aspect of Immerman’s work that strongly showcases his argument for the CIA’s lack of internal cohesion is his examination of the personalities and priorities of different CIA directors and their corresponding presidents.
It is clear from Immerman’s work that he strongly believes in the influence of individual psychology on history. Peppered throughout the book are references such as “Dulles’s leadership […] were vital,” “Nixon was predisposed toward covert operations,” “Reagan had a visceral hatred of all things communist,” “Ford, with Bush as his agent, signaled policy makers,” “Turner’s combative leadership style,” and “Carter’s incoherence,” and the like. Immerman demonstrates how leadership’s priorities and foreign policy concerns differed and the way in which this affected the CIA’s institutional structure and initiatives. While compelling, however, this at times appears to contradict his statements concerning historical influences on the organization. Early in his work Immerman states that “historical circumstances, organizational interests, and bureaucratic politics, not institutional planners or risk-tasking adventurers, drove the CIA’s transformation from an agency established to collect, analyze, and disseminate intelligence to an instrument for engaging in covert, frequently paramilitary operations.” Immerman’s attention to individual personality traits does nonetheless leave his audience wondering whether leadership might not also fall into the category of …show more content…
adventurers of sorts. That is not to discredit Immerman’s persuasive argument for the influence of CIA directors and US presidents, however, his top-down approach to the CIA lacks serious analysis of the internal characterization of the organization. This emphasis on single temperaments and priorities, while at times challenging, does contribute to another one of Immerman’s stronger arguments for the lack of continuity within the CIA: the politicization of intelligence.
Since, as he establishes, leadership’s political priorities were critical to the ultimate decision in the CIA’s actions, the degree to which the CIA actually concentrated on this mission of collection and analysis depended on the perceived threats from the top. Consequently, the actual level of reliable analysis deteriorated as demonstrated by the example of ORE analysists who were “normatively risk averse” and trying to “get it right,” and provide analysis that fit into the view of their leadership. Lacking trust in their analysists’ conclusions, the CIA proved unable to supply reliable intelligence and forge “collaboration and integration.” Rather than addressing institutional problems the CIA developed a pattern that continued throughout its entire history. Even though it refers to the Reagan era, Immerman’s conclusion that in a time of crisis the CIA deemed that they “required a change in leadership more than an institutional adjustment,” could easily apply to any other period. This application of psychology to history while enlightening does detract from the reader’s understanding of a formation of a CIA “culture” that limited its intelligence analysis efficiency. Without this fundamental comprehension of a CIA “culture,” some of Immerman’s later
conclusions on the culpability of the CIA in failed international operations remain dubious. When considering “fault” in foreign policy failures one would expect a multitude of contributing factors. While Immerman does concede to diverse contributors to international debacles, he again stresses how fault frequently lied with either the president or the CIA director. He plainly articulates the way in which directors guided CIA’s policies; however, the personalities he discusses are often pro-paramilitary operations and it is difficult to detect the dissenting side within the organizational structure of the CIA. If, indeed, the history of the CIA is a struggle between its paramilitary undertakings and its mission of intelligence analysis, the work could have benefited from less focus on the external relationship between the CIA director and the president and more on the internal conflicts between CIA leadership and analysists to understand the departure from its mission. It was this removal from its mission however that ultimately led the CIA to become synonymous with the whole American intelligence community and increased governmental dependence on them. This status as the icon of American intelligence fed into and was reinforced by the secret nature of their work, which as Immerman successfully argues led to more confusion about the CIA’s purpose and public mistrust. It is clear that Immerman gained insight from his experiences within the intelligence community. Even though it is clear from his explicit irritation in his notes that he felt academically limited by the CIA, the subsequent redactions do illuminate the degree to which secrecy is at the heart of the CIA, especially considering that “the remaining redactions [are all] material readily available in the public domain.” Immerman shrewdly underscores the way in which lack of oversight and legislative loopholes led to a culture of secrecy and fortified the organization’s rule of “plausible deniability.” Immerman highlights how the CIA’s history of paramilitary operations caused it to be heavily relied upon by Washington and thus it became more secretive in yielding oversight to other intelligence agencies or even, “acknowledg[ing] its equivalence to the agency’s 15 “partners” in the IC.” Early legal loopholes such as National Security Act of 1947 and NSC 10/2 established a precedent of the CIA’s expansion of paramilitary operations and its usefulness for the president. Likewise, in order to maintain plausible deniability, CIA oversight was “sporadic, unsystematic, [and] incomplete.” These factors all contributed to the aura of secrecy surrounding the CIA, which much like an ouroboros, rekindled in the public’s imagination and mistrust while confounding internal understanding of the role and purpose of the CIA. Rather than answering all the questions, he set out to explore in the preface of his book, Immerman does pose inquiries which elucidate new areas of consideration in the development of US intelligence history. Likewise, he complicates contemporary understanding of the direction of intelligence in an evolving era of increasing disclosure and transparency, whether or not that disclosure is voluntary, such as in the case of Edward Snowden. The Hidden Hand, while interspersed with ambiguities and befuddling bureaucratic constructions, fits well into the characterization of the CIA that Immerman presents. Even though it remains unanswered, Immerman’s key question of the future of the CIA and its potential to inform policymakers will remain a relevant question not only for those studying intelligence or US history but for a general population concerned with governmental ethics and international relations.
The American Revolution saw the rise of the American spy, and the father of these spies was George Washington, commander in Chief of the Continental Army. The siege of New York demonstrated the importance and dire need for intelligence to General Washington. Unfortunately, the difficulty, at least initially, lies with finding people willing and able to serve in this manner. Upon recognizing the necessity for a network of subterfuge, Washington created the Culper spy ring. Housed in New York City under the command of Colonel Benjamin Tallmadge, its purpose was more than merely gaining intelligence.
In Overthrow, some of the CIA’s actions that brought massive destruction, death, and chaos to foreign countries are dissected. The disposing of Iranian leader Mohammed Mossadegh by Secretary of State John Dulles can only be described as unfounded and irrational. Which, as told by Kinzer, was a common thread in US foreign policy during the 50’s. Fueled by hate and fervor against communism- many nations faced the brunt force of US policy- by the hand of our leaders. All of which, was done legally and with authorization- sometimes encouragement from US Presidents. Such incidents are certainly blunders on behalf of the US. Although, what Kinzer fails to mention or recognize is instances where Covert Actions helped achieve ends which would never be possible otherwise. The Cold War was a turbulent time for the US and most of the world’s history. One country, the Ukraine- formerly a part of the Soviet Union, has an especially sordid past. The ethnic inhabitants, Ukrainians, suffered under Soviet oppression for many years and endured a man made famine- orchestrated by Stalin to suppress Ukrainian Resistance movements. Such an event, “Holodomor” which killed approx. 3 to 12 million people are considered by many countries to be a genocide. The US, while not directly intervening in warfare, did send agents to assist
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?Espionage.? 2000-2004. The War to End All Wars. Michael Duffy. Original Material. Primary Documents Online.
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The American Revolution was a time when colonial peoples were forced to develop a Patriot identity separate from that of the British. The evolution of espionage provides a paradigm case to support the shift in identity. The role of espionage is really only seen through the eyes of the British and the Patriots, the loyalists in the colonies are absent from the narrative. This paper argues that the use of espionage during the American revolution and the consequences that it brought developed a distinct American identity by analyzing the societal benefit it played in the colonies (the motivation that drove American’s to spy), the exclusion of members with loyalist sympathies found by John Honeyman and Enoch Crosby and its reputation within the colonial side.
In times of great terror and panic, the citizens of a nation must decide what they value most: their right to privacy or the lives of the innocent. Government surveillance is criticized, however there are times in a nation’s history where, in order to ensure the safety of their citizens, they must surveill the country for potential hazards that might exist in the world. The government-issued program, COINTELPRO--a series of illegal projects during the twentieth century organized by the Federal Bureau of Investigation--while heavily criticized for its unconstitutional grounds--was justified because it benefitted the nation during a period of upheaval. COINTELPRO is popularly condemned by historians and professors such as Brandeis University Professor of Sociology, David Cunningham, who asserts that the FBI counterintelligence program was only a form of repression that allowed for the government to suppress matters that they consider bothersome (234) This however was not the case. COINTELPRO was necessary because of the great social unrest, individuals posed threats to society, and creating operations that were beneficial to the United States.
Book Review of The Subtle Knife by Phillip Pullman This week I chose to read the novel 'The Subtle Knife' written by Phillip Pullman. Philip Pullman was born in Norwich on 19th October 1946. The early part of his life was spent travelling all over the world, because his father and then his step father were both in the Royal Air Force. He spent part of his childhood in Australia, where he first met the wonders of comics, and grew to love Superman and Batman in particular. From the age of 11, he lived in North Wales, having moved back to Britain.
Weiner, Tim. Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA. New York: Doubleday, 2007. Print.
knowledge of the CIA and who would later would be involved in the clash between the
Tillyard, E. M. W. "The Secret Agent Reconsidered." Conrad: A Collection of Critical Essays. Comp. Marvin Mudrick. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1966. 103-110.
Among the spies of the 20th century, Kim Philby was a master of his craft. “To betray, you must first belong,” Kim Philby once said. Philby betrayed his colleagues, his friends, his wives, and most of all his country. He did all this in the secret service of the Soviet Union. The effects of this master spy’s operations set the stage for post-World War II in Europe.
...ence that is attained by the CIA is vital to the decisions made by top U.S. officials.