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The negative impact of slavery
The negative impact of slavery
The effects of slavery
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In his book Worse Than Slavery, Oshinsky graphically documents the story of the “farm with slaves” that turned an enormous profit to the state. Throughout the book one is continually confronted with the systematized degradation and humiliation of blacks. Before reading this book I thought I knew the extent of America’s racist past but Oshinsky proved me wrong. There are many dark truths and shameful skeletons I have not encountered before. Parchman Farm with its use of race-baiting techniques and capitalizing on racist fears of black lawlessness as a means to justify political control, violence, and murder is absolutely horrifying. At the heart of Oshinsky’s work, one can see the continual effort of whites to restore their supremacy at all …show more content…
costs following the reconstruction era that was centralized in Mississippi.
This took form in many ways but three stand out in particular; the state authorized race baiting, the continual demonization and degradation of black lives, and the rise of violence and murder during times of racial progress. In the following I will address each topic and show Oshinsky’s documentations on these themes throughout his work. Race baiting was a racial caste and custom that permeated the legal system. Whereby Mississippi law had informal categories for convicting people depending on the color of skin such that there was a statute law, plantation law, lynch law, and Negro law. Oshinsky documents a prominent Delta attorney, S.F. Davis who describes this system and how certain laws are to be enforced for whites while others are enforced for blacks. Oshinsky writes that although Mississippi did not discriminate by race the “arrest, prosecute, and sentence depended in large part on a person’s skin color, as did the workings of the trail itself” (pg 124). This racial system of conviction allowed whites to exploit blacks and to legally disregard
their basic human rights. For an example the Pig Law, which stated that a person who steals a farm animal that is worth more than ten dollars could be punishable by up to five years in prison. Another such law was the Leasing Act that allowed convicts to be leased out if their sentence were less than ten years. This Law in particular disproportionately impacted blacks in negative ways as a means to maintain White privilege, and subject blacks to racist systems of oppression. This racial leasing replaced the old racial bondage whereby blacks were once again degraded and used for economic gain. Some of these economic gains included the use of convicts for farming cotton, extracting turpentine gum, and building railroads. As a way to keep convicts from escaping the often-inhumane treatment and exploitation, workers were subjected to horrible treatment of violence and scare tactics. The trend of legal and institutional practices that disproportionately impacted blacks in a negative manner was one way to demonize black lives. The following will go into greater detail of how this demonization took place throughout Parchman Farm and Mississippi as a whole. After the end of the Civil War, many of the newly freed slaves did not have work, a home, or adequate resources to acquire food. These circumstances caused many cases of theft in the south. Additionally, Oshinksy notes that many of the slaves were encouraged to steal from neighboring plantations. This combined with the reality that many white southerners did not accept blacks as citizens created an extremely tense situation. Whatever the reasoning the practices of theft became an increasing risky business due to the discriminatory legal practices that were rampant through the South. I many instances, blacks were demonized as a way to keep the balance of white supremacy. Speaking on this Oshinksy includes a quote from a white slave owner who blamed theft on “grounds of congenital black character’ that is, the Negro was a “born thief” (pg 32). Moreover, this issue of labeling blacks with particular negative connotations was not limited to theft, but was also present in the how blacks (particularly black males) where characterized as sexual deviants. This hyper sexualization of the black community was reinforced by the tendency to accuse black men of raping white women (pg 106). The demonization of blacks was not limited to just the physical treatment but also reinforced by the living and working conditions that emphases a sense of worthiness. Oshsinksy documenting the working conditions of many blacks in the Delta where workers damned rivers, drained swamps, and cut trees quotes an “old-timer.” In this quote he talks about how workers were treated, “why, they just dump the next dirt on him and leave him there-cover him up and forget him-I’ve seen that happen” (pg 113). It is in these types of conditions with the demand for production by what was viewed as less that human workforce that reinforced the demonization and degradation of black lives. One of the main mechanisms to force the demonization upon black convicts staying at Parchman farm was the continued use of whipping. This could take place without any prompt or reasons. Oshinsky does note that whipping could come as a result from fighting, stealing, an officer feeling disrespected, failure to meet work quotas. These whippings all depending on the sergeant in charge and many times without supervision. Oshinsky quotes one man who said, “They beat hell out of you for any reasons or no reason,” “It’s the greatest pleasure of their live” (pg 150). This harsh treatment of blacks was a result of how blacks were seen by officers but also as a means to keep blacks in a state of continued fear and subordination. When considering death and its role in race relations in the South, Oshinsky notes that it played as a substitutionary effect where executions had a dramatic rise during times of racial stress. Therefore Oshinsky concludes that it helped signal social control over the black community (pg 209). This idea is shown through legislative acts like the “hanging bill” that was proposed by H. Clay Collins. This bill granted each county sheriff the authority to appoint any Mississippi resident as an executioner as a way to handle the mass executions of black lives. Oshinsky writes, “that they (referring to executions) were outlets for community vengeance, community warnings, community rage. And they remained alive as physical reminders of subordination and racial caste” (pg 215). This correlation can be particularly seen in the 1954 Supreme Court’s ruling on Brown vs. Board of Education. Out of this decision came a wave of legal tightening to exclude blacks from community opportunities. One case that stands out in particular surrounds Clyde Kennerd who tried to enroll at Mississippi Southern College. Only later to be framed for theft and sentenced to serve at Parchman Farm. This shows that even though Kennerd was a model citizen who tried to exercise his right to an education, race often trumped law. Kennerd even taught many inmates how to read and write until he developed a cancerous growth from his colon. Due to his condition he was moved to Jackson Hospital, where the cancer was removed. It was only 11 days when Kennerd was sent back to Parchman Farm where he became severally ill. The mistreatment and abuse of Kennered by Parchman Farm gained mass attention from the NAACP and he was eventually released from Parchman in 1963 only to die on July 4, 1963. Kennerd’s story highlights the continued racial oppression and the use of the criminal justice system as a means to maintain racist norms in the south. As we have previously seen, Oshinsky’s work thoroughly highlights a consistent theme that has plague America since its beginning, racism. He documents how states authorized race baiting as a way to keep a racial caste and racist customs post the chattel slavery. The former also showed the continual demonization and degradation of black lives through stigmatizing blacks as thieves and sexual deviants. We have also seen how in the midst of racial tension how public executions played as a substitutionary effect where black deaths signaled social control over the black community. While reading this book, I often felt horrified at the extreme racist tendencies that have become so embedded within our society and justice systems. Through his focus on Parchman Farm we see how this racism played out in the community with all its gruesome details. In short, Parchman Farm is an example of this racism par excellence in that it shows the extent to which racism permeates the American way of life.
Hahn discusses both the well-known struggle against white supremacy and the less examined conflicts within the black community. He tells of the remarkable rise of Southern blacks to local and state power and the white campaign to restore their version of racial order, disenfranchise blacks, and exclude them from politics. Blacks built many political and social structures to pursue their political goals, including organizations such as Union Leagues, the Colored Farmers’ Alliance, chapters of the Republican Party, and emigration organizations. Hahn used this part of the book to successfully recover the importance of black political action shaping their own history.
Ranikine’s addresses the light upon the failed judicial systems, micro aggressions, pain and agony faced by the black people, white privilege, and all the racial and institutional discrimination as well as the police brutality and injustice against the blacks; The book exposes that, even after the abolition of slavery, how the racism still existed and felt by the colored community in the form of recently emerged ‘Micro aggressions in this modern world’.
Four black sharecroppers (Roger Malcom, Dorothy Malcom, George Dorsey and Mae Murray Dorsey) are brutally murdered by a group of white people. The murders attracted national attention, but the community was not willing to get involved. The community was not fazed by these brutal murders but, by the fact that this incident got national attention. They were even more astounded that the rest of the nation even cared. In this book Laura Wexler shows just how deep racism goes. After reading the book I discovered that Fire in a Canebrake has three major themes involving racism. The first is that racism obstructs progression. The second is history repeats itself. The last theme is that racism can obscure the truth. This lynching, in particular, marks a turning point in the history of race relations and the governments’ involvement in civil rights. In the end this case still remains unsolved. No concept of the
“Black Awakening in Capitalist America”, Robert Allen’s critical analysis of the structure of the U.S.’s capitalist system, and his views of the manner in which it exploits and feeds on the cultures, societies, and economies of less influential peoples to satiate its ever growing series of needs and base desires. From a rhetorical analysis perspective, Allen describes and supports the evidence he sees for the theory of neocolonialism, and what he sees as the black people’s place within an imperial society where the power of white influence reigns supreme. Placing the gains and losses of the black people under his magnifying glass, Allen describes how he sees the ongoing condition of black people as an inevitable occurrence in the spinning cogs of the capitalist machine.
During a period of time, the world lost its values due to ambition. Blacks were enslaved for being different. Races became a huge part of people’s everyday talk and to succeed, farmers and business owners had to make African Americans do their dirty work for them. During this period of time, people like Joe Starks from “The Eyes Were Watching God” and people like Frederick Douglass’s slavemasters became abundant in the world. The belief that they were superior to everyone else lead them to impose power in a way that even themselves could not tolerate. Even though “The Eyes Were Watching God” was written after slave abolition, Joe Starks and Douglass’s slavemasters have many characteristics in common and differences which are worthy to be noticed.
Writing around the same time period as Phillips, though from the obverse vantage, was Richard Wright. Wright’s essay, “The Inheritors of Slavery,” was not presented at the American Historical Society’s annual meeting. His piece is not festooned with foot-notes or carefully sourced. It was written only about a decade after Phillips’s, and meant to be published as a complement to a series of Farm Credit Administration photographs of black Americans. Wright was not an academic writing for an audience of his peers; he was a novelist acceding to a request from a publisher. His essay is naturally of a more literary bent than Phillips’s, and, because he was a black man writing ...
While the formal abolition of slavery, on the 6th of December 1865 freed black Americans from their slave labour, they were still unequal to and discriminated by white Americans for the next century. This ‘freedom’, meant that black Americans ‘felt like a bird out of a cage’ , but this freedom from slavery did not equate to their complete liberty, rather they were kept in destitute through their economic, social, and political state.
For more than two hundred years, a certain group of people lived in misery; conditions so inhumane that the only simile that can compare to such, would be the image of a caged animal dying to live, yet whose live is perished by the awful chains that dragged him back into a dark world of torture and misfortune. Yes, I am referring to African Americans, whose beautiful heritage, one which is full of cultural beauty and extraordinary people, was stained by the privilege given to white men at one point in the history of the United States. Though slavery has been “abolished” for quite some years; or perhaps it is the ideal driven to us by our modern society and the lines that make up our constitution, there is a new kind of slavery. One which in
Although an effort is made in connecting with the blacks, the idea behind it is not in understanding the blacks and their culture but rather is an exploitative one. It had an adverse impact on the black community by degrading their esteem and status in the community. For many years, the political process also had been influenced by the same ideas and had ignored the black population in the political process (Belk, 1990). America loves appropriating black culture — even when black people themselves, at times, don’t receive much love from America.
When reading about the institution of slavery in the United States, it is easy to focus on life for the slaves on the plantations—the places where the millions of people purchased to serve as slaves in the United States lived, made families, and eventually died. Most of the information we seek is about what daily life was like for these people, and what went “wrong” in our country’s collective psyche that allowed us to normalize the practice of keeping human beings as property, no more or less valuable than the machines in the factories which bolstered industrialized economies at the time. Many of us want to find information that assuages our own personal feelings of discomfort or even guilt over the practice which kept Southern life moving
In “The Case for Reparations,” Ta-Nehisi Coates sets out a powerful argument for reparations to blacks for having to thrive through horrific inequity, including slavery, Jim Crowism, Northern violence and racist housing policies. By erecting a slave society, America erected the economic foundation for its great experiment in democracy. And Reparations would mean a revolution of the American consciousness, reconciling of our self-image as the great democratizer with the facts of our history. Paying such a moral debt is such a great matter of justice served rightfully to those who were suppressed from the fundamental roles, white supremacy played in American history.
The Strange Career of Jim Crow, by C. Van Woodward, traces the history of race relations in the United States from the mid and late nineteenth century through the twentieth century. In doing so Woodward brings to light significant aspects of Reconstruction that remain unknown to many today. He argues that the races were not as separate many people believe until the Jim Crow laws. To set up such an argument, Woodward first outlines the relationship between Southern and Northern whites, and African Americans during the nineteenth century. He then breaks down the details of the injustice brought about by the Jim Crow laws, and outlines the transformation in American society from discrimination to Civil Rights. Woodward’s argument is very persuasive because he uses specific evidence to support his opinions and to connect his ideas. Considering the time period in which the book and its editions were written, it should be praised for its insight into and analysis of the most important social issue in American history.
To understand the desperation of wanting to obtain freedom at any cost, it is necessary to take a look into what the conditions and lives were like of slaves. It is no secret that African-American slaves received cruel and inhumane treatment. Although she wrote of the horrific afflictions experienced by slaves, Linda Brent said, “No pen can give adequate description of the all-pervading corruption produced by slavery." The life of a slave was never a satisfactory one, but it all depended on the plantation that one lived on and the mast...
The Civil War was fought over the “race problem,” to determine the place of African-Americans in America. The Union won the war and freed the slaves. However, when President Lincoln declared the Emancipation Proclamation, a hopeful promise for freedom from oppression and slavery for African-Americans, he refrained from announcing the decades of hardship that would follow to obtaining the new won “freedom”. Over the course of nearly a century, African-Americans would be deprived and face adversity to their rights. They faced something perhaps worse than slavery; plagued with the threat of being lynched or beat for walking at the wrong place at the wrong time. Despite the addition of the 14th and 15th Amendments to the Bill of Rights, which were made to protect the citizenship of the African-American, thereby granting him the protection that each American citizen gained in the Constitution, there were no means to enforce these civil rights. People found ways to go around them, and thus took away the rights of African-Americans. In 1919, racial tensions between the black and white communities in Chicago erupted, causing a riot to start. This resulted from the animosity towards the growing black community of Chicago, which provided competition for housing and jobs. Mistrust between the police and black community in Chicago only lent violence as an answer to their problems, leading to a violent riot. James Baldwin, an essayist working for true civil rights for African-Americans, gives first-hand accounts of how black people were mistreated, and conveys how racial tensions built up antagonism in his essays “Notes of a Native Son,” and “Down at the Cross.”
For most American’s especially African Americans, the abolition of slavery in 1865 was a significant point in history, but for African Americans, although slavery was abolished it gave root for a new form of slavery that showed to be equally as terrorizing for blacks. In the novel Slavery by Another Name, by Douglas Blackmon he examines the reconstruction era, which provided a form of coerced labor in a convict leasing system, where many African Americans were convicted on triumphed up charges for decades.