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Society and mass media
Society and mass media
Mass Media And Society
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Stephanie Griest’s rebellion against political norms helped her to become more culturally competent and aware of the political corruption that exists similarly in the U.S. and abroad. As Griest reminisces about her experiences in Moscow, she realizes how state propaganda can have an effect on a nation’s concept of reality, even in the U.S. “After finding some disconcerting similarities between our respective ideological frameworks, the Soviets revered mass murderers; we honor presidents who kept slaves, sent indigenous people on death marches and waged brutal wars on developing nations. China’s news gets filtered through the state, ours through mega-media outlets. Cuba may not hold democratic elections, but can we really after our corrupt 2000
presidential election? Rather than point out the holes in others,’ we should be investigating the ones in our own” (Griest 366). Through Griest’s experiences in the Bloc, or living in countries with various political systems, she realizes how political corruption exists worldwide and should be understood similarly, despite fixed judgements that are posed on cultural values. As Griest became aware of the political corruption occurring both in the U.S. and abroad, she became interested in political activism and took part in the movement for peace. “My travels in the Bloc forced me to question why. How did I lose such a fundamental part of who I am? And why have I never invested time or energy recovering it? This may be the lasting impact of my four-year journey: realizing the need to turn inward by promoting public awareness for all communities worldwide. I may have lived my high school nightmare- spending my twenty-fifth year home in Corpus Christi- but it was there that I finally realized I needed to be ‘more Chicana.’ I traveled tens of thousands of miles to appreciate what had been in my block all along, but it probably would not have seemed this rich to me if I hadn’t taken the long road” (Griest 368). Griest’s experiences living in various parts of the world, allowed her to make connections from the protests she witnessed in the U.S. and the ones she would see in her experiences abroad. Living around the block allowed griest to understand how political corruption exists universally, especially in the U.S.
During the 20th century, the rise of communism sparked rage in people throughout the world. More towards the end of the 1900's the fall of communism and dictatorships was just the beginning of what would eventually be a large democratic change for several countries. 1989: Democratic Revolutions at the Cold War's End, speaks about the change brought to several different countries from the 1980's-1990's and plans to show "the global transformations that marked the end of the cold war and shaped the era in which we live"(Pg V). During the cold war, communist had power and control over a large area and spread communism throughout several continents. This book specifically hits on six different studies of where communism and dictatorship affected these areas and what they did to stop it. Poland, Philippines, Chile, South Africa, Ukraine, and China throughout the end of the 20th century created revolutionary movements which brought them all one step closer to freeing themselves and creating democratic change.
One of the biggest fears of the American people is that the concept of communism contrasts drastically from the concept of capitalism, which the United States was essentially founded upon. The United States, as the public believed, was not a land of perfect communal equality, but rather a land of equal opportunity. However, what made communism so dangerous can be succinctly described by Eisenhower who compared the spread of communism as the domino effect. As his secretary of state, Dulles, put it, the propagation of communism “would constitute a threat to the sovereignty and independence” of America (Doc B). In addition, the Cold War also planted the seeds of rational fear of a global nuclear war. As Russia caught up to the United States in terms of technological advancements, they successfully developed the atomic bomb as well as the hydrogen bomb, which caused Americans to believe that the USSR would use these weapons of mass destruction to forcefully extend their ideologies to the USA. In fact, Americans were so frantic about a potential nuclear disaster that it...
The Cold War was fought between the U.S. and the Soviet Union, both struggling to assume a hegemonic role in the world while simultaneously attempting to undermine the power of the other. This war was fought by proxy in a variety of developing nations, including Vietnam and Guatemala, and was attributed to the differing ideologies of communism and socialism, and capitalism and democracy. Gods Go Begging (1999), by Alfredo Vea, examines the United States’ involvement in the Vietnam War, while Francisco Tobar uses The Tattooed Soldier (1995) to explore the Guatemalan Civil War and the role the United States played in the governmental coup that precluded the war. Both authors show through specific descriptions and narrative lines that while the
The “Panama Deception,” directed by Barbara Trent of the Empowerment Project and narrated by actress Elizabeth Montgomery, observes a distinct failure to implement 20th-century democracy in Latin America in the late '80s and early '90s. More specifically, the film documents the U.S. invasion of Panama under "Operation Just Cause” during this period, showing how the cause was anything but just. Rather, the film shows how the Operation intended to impose a biased renegotiation of the aforementioned treaties.
Frieden, Jeffry A., David A. Lake, and Kenneth A. Schultz. World Politics. New York: W.W. Norton &, 2013. Print.
Odd Arne Westad, Director of the Cold War Studies Centre at the London School of Economics and Political Science, explains how the Cold War “shaped the world we live in today — its politics, economics, and military affairs“ (Westad, The Global Cold War, 1). Furthermore, Westad continues, “ the globalization of the Cold War during the last century created foundations” for most of the historic conflicts we see today. The Cold War, asserts Westad, centers on how the Third World policies of the two twentieth-century superpowers — the United States and the Soviet Union — escalates to antipathy and conflict that in the end helped oust one world power while challenging the other. This supplies a universal understanding on the Cold War (Westad, The Global Cold War, 1).
A key and enduring topic of debate regarding Cuba’s global role in Cold War international politics centers on Cuba’s relationship with the Soviet Union: to what extent were Cuban actions independently determined, and to what extent were they dictated by her Soviet patrons? Simply posed, was Cuba little more than a satellite mercenary of the Soviet Union, or was Cuba an independent actor pursuing autonomous foreign policy goals in the Cold War world?
The contentious little book titled Women, Power, Politics maintains politics to be devalued, acknowledging the fact that only few people do vote, and women are unable to achieve within the realm of Canadian politics. Sylvia Bashevkin, the author of the book argues that Canadians have a profound unease with women in positions of political authority, what she calls the "women plus power equals discomfort" equation. She evaluates a range of barriers faced by women who enter politics, including the media's biased role of representing the private lives of women in politics, and she wonders why citizens find politics is underrepresented in Canada compared to Belgium. In clear, accessible terms, Bashevkin explains her ideas on how to eliminate “low voters turn-out,” “devaluation of politics,” "gender schemas," and "media framing.” She outlines some compelling solutions to address the stalemate facing women in Canadian politics which are; contesting media portrayals, changing the rule of the game, improving legislative quotas, electoral reform, movement renewals, and so on. This response paper would addresses the reality of a political mainstream, actions which should be taken against the oppressive elements of reality, and the awareness it brings through economic, social, and political environment.
When most people hear the name Joseph Stalin, they usually associate the name with a man who was part of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and was responsible for the deaths of millions of people. He was willingly to do anything to improve the power of the Soviet Union’s economy and military, even if it meant executing tens of millions of innocent people (Frankforter, A. Daniel., and W. M. Spellman 655). In chapter three of Sheila Fitzpatrick’s book, Everyday Stalinism, she argues that since citizens believed the propaganda of “a radiant future” (67), they were able to be manipulated by the Party in the transformation of the Soviet Union. This allowed the Soviet government to expand its power, which ultimately was very disastrous for the people.
A historian’s interpretation of events relies heavily on not just the school of thought that they belong to but also their political leanings, nationality, religion, gender and the social context within which the book was written (i.e. what was happening politically or socially at the time of publication). The first historian this essay deals with is Richard Pipes, a Polish-American historian who is considered one of the more prolific writers on the Russian Revolution. His book The Russian Revolution is strongly influenced by Pipes’ liberal political views. Studying and living in America he developed a largely anti-communist view that was shared by most western thinkers during the cold war period. Pipe’s published his book in 1990, during the unravelling of the USSR. Pipes used a wide range of sources to construct his monograph, including recounts from people who lived through or led the revolution, soviet historians views and documents from American archives. However thorough his research Pipes’ evide...
In the USSR, “Makarenko [a leader in education] believed that the most important educational goal was making people part of a collective by teaching them to subordinate self-interest for the good of the group” (Spring, 1999). This involves a very structured education system in which the good of the group was emphasized through targeted social mediums, particularly art, literature, and other forms of entertainment. The Capitol in Panem is constantly monitoring what is being streamed to all of the citizens. By controlling what is streamed, President Snow is controlling the ideas of what is good for the group and the thoughts and ideas that he wants the citizens to have. President Snow is implanting certain concepts and ideas into the citizen’s
However, the US played a much larger role in Cuba’s past and present than the building of casinos and the introduction of the first taints of corruption. In the past, even before Batista, Americans were resented by Cubans because the Americans made a lot of Cuba’s decisions. Under Batista, 80% of Cuban imports came from the US, and the US controlled at least 50% of sugar, utilities, phones and railroads. If Cuba was a business in the stock markets, then the US would have been close to owning 50% of its shares. When combined with a long history of US-backed leaders, and US involvement, it is understandable that Cubans begrudged the Americans....
Althusser, Louis. "Ideology and ideological state apparatuses (notes towards an investigation)." The anthropology of the state: A reader (2006): 86-111.
War.” Unipolar Politics: Realism and State Strategies after the Cold War. Eds. Ethan B. Kapstein and Michael Mastanduno. New York: Columbia University Press, 1999. 1-27.
Karrington, Kelly. American and Russian Propaganda Techniques During the Cold War. Yahoo Voices. 20 July 2007. Web. 15 Dec. 2013.