Sigmund Freud's Theory Of Narcissism

Still, some narcissistic people gravitate towards religion in order to be praised by followers, exploit for personal gain, or dominate others (Sandage & Moe, 2012; Kernberg, 2014). In essence, what Sandage and Moe (2012) refer to as exterior religiosity (e.g. structure, benefit, and gain) are what often attracts narcissists to organized religion. For instance, several religious organizations are comprised of layers of hierarchy in which narcissists can entrench themselves, several church leaders have abused their posts for personal gain, and some organizations offer rewards for the faithful–such as the early Mormon Church’s offer of bigamy, worlds like the Earth for the deceased, and to eventually become god-like when one dies (Young, 1852).

Diversity and Narcissistic Personality Disorder
For decades, opponents of the DSM have bemoaned that several of its diagnoses are Eurocentric and are not sensitive to race, sex, and sexuality.

From the beginning of modern psychological thought, Sigmund Freud’s theory of psychosexual development was heavily influenced by sexist idea of his day (Berzoff, 2011). It is not surprising that the majority of psychological research in the U.S. is conducted on those who have enough wealth and time to partake in said studies (i.e. middle class Caucasians). Likewise, several clinicians in the past few decades have conducted studies on the effects of one’s demographics on possible diagnoses (Adler, Drake, & Teague, 1990; Cale & Lilienfeld, 2002; Samuel & Widiger, 2009; Widiger & Spitzer, 1991). Of those who have sought out inconsistencies in psychological diagnoses, Adler, Drake, and Teague (1990) researched the implications of the diagnosis of Histrionic Personality Disorder (HPD), NPD, and a patient’s

sex.
In the study, Adler, Drake, and Teague (1990) sent out a written account of a patient’s clinical profile to 46 mental health professionals of various mental health professions (i.e.

psychiatrists, psychologists, social workers, and mental health nurses). The profile only differed in one regard, the sex of the patient may have been either male or female. The researchers asked the 46 professionals to assess the patient as having no personality disorder traits, specific personality disorder traits, or a specific (DSM-III) personality disorder(s) (Adler, Drake, & Teague, 1990). Although the clinical profile fit the criteria for several personality disorders from the then DSM-III, BPD and NPD were the most prevalent diagnoses of the pseudo-patient (roughly half), while one-quarter of the professionals diagnosed the pseudo-patient with HPD (Adler, Drake, & Teague, 1990). More importantly, the majority of the NPD diagnoses were assigned to the male pseudo-patient while the majority of HPD diagnoses were assigned to the female pseudo-patient (Adler, Drake, & Teague, 1990). Although it can be argued that the criteria for personality disorders have changed three times since 1990, a more recent study has shown the existence of sexism in the diagnoses of personality disorders such as BPD and APD (Samuel & Widiger,

2009).
Kernberg
As with other attributes of personality disorders, a person’s narcissism is viewed on a continuum with healthy self-esteem on one end and pathological narcissism at the other end (Hertz, 2011; Krusemark, 2012; Sandage & Moe, 2012). As stated earlier, Kernberg also likened persons with NPD to those with BPD; however, he specified that a major difference between the two disorders are the matter of functioning; persons with NPD are able to socially function at a much higher level than those with BPD (Kernberg, 1970). This higher functioning is evident as numerous people who are in places of leadership exhibit pronounced narcissistic qualities (Kernberg, 1970). Kernberg (1970) noted that this difference between personality disorders is primarily dissimilar in social functioning, as he noted that it was not uncommon for him to sit in a session with a person with NPD and was surprised when they exhibited a monumental regression.
One contribution to NPD that Kernberg was able to aptly present to the world is the narcissist’s complicated dance of weak self-concept, devaluation of others, rage, and self-sabotage. As with numerous other psychoanalysts’ opinions, Kernberg believed that people who are generally verbally abusive are fixated in the oral stage of psychosexual development (Kernberg, 1974). When analyzing narcissistic persons, Kernberg often noticed that these patients often ignored thoughts about Kernberg’s personal life, until some months into therapy (Kernberg, 1974). When they started to wonder about their therapist, they associated him with their early primary caretaker, with whom they had tremendous problems (Kernberg, 1974). The patient would then notice the ‘good’ qualities that Kernberg possessed, which enraged them, likening him to how they believed that their caretaker/object refused to lavish their ‘good’ qualities upon her/himself (Kernberg, 1974). At an early age, the patient internalized this devaluation from their primary objects and then looked to destroy what gives them “love and gratification in order to eliminate the source of envy and projected rage” (Kernberg, 1974, p. 221). In doing so, the patient retreated into the ideas and expressions of grandiosity by regressing to the stage in their life when their ideal self was enmeshed with their important childhood object, in order to take power away from the person who incurred their wrath (Kernberg, 1974). Subsequently, the person with NPD often sabotages situations and relationships to their detriment.