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Economic failures due to reconstruction
What were the political, economic, and social impacts of Reconstruction
Political, economic, and social effects of reconstruction
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Stephen Kantrowitz, in his book Ben Tillman and Reconstruction of White Supremacy tells exactly what the title intends. It represents the story of reconstruction of white supremacy post the Civil War, how the emancipation proclamation struggled to persist in the South, the Jim Crow movements and rebellions, all in context of a man who was not only symbolic to the movements but also the epitome of white supremacy. Even though Kantrowitz uses a biographical approach, it isn't the story of Tillman's life that he depicts but the story of white supremacy and its reconstruction(and politics) in the South through Tillman's life. Tillman was born on August 11, 1847, into a wealthy slaveholding family and became a wealthy farmer himself. He dominated …show more content…
the South Carolina politics from the late 1880s until the last years of the twentieth century's first decade. He became the governor of the state from 1890 to 1894 and as a US Senator from 1894 until his death on July 3, 1918. He maintained a national reputation of being the "leading proponent of white supremacy" (p. 3) and propounding the race problem. Kantrowitz presents him as "an ideologue, an organizer, and a terrorist" (p. 3). As a self-styled agrarian rebel, anti-Reconstruction guerrilla and a Democratic activist. Tillman was a vocal advocate of enfranchisement restrictions and so even played a key role in bringing about the 1895 constitutional convention that generated the poll tax, literacy, education, and "understanding" requirements that further depressed voter turnout--and largely disenfranchised black men--in the state for decades to come. And then being elected to the US Senate, he took to the national stage, representing the southern rebel devoted to promote the interests of his region's white farmers against the combined threats of African American equality, federal interference, and aristocratic misrule. More deplorably, he bragged and promoted his successful efforts to disenfranchise African Americans through fraud, murder, manipulation of the laws and legal processes, campaigns of terror and lies. Additionally the conventional "notions that race trumps class" (p. 5) were challenged, as his attacks were not just directed towards Blacks but also towards the poor, landless, insignificant whites. Kantrowitz very thoroughly portrays him as a true politician. And as the rightful representation of a white supremacist. The book explores the changing nature of white supremacy, class and gender in South Carolina through different movements in the postbellum period.
In the initial chapters, Kantrowitz traces the already existing tensions of white supremacy prior to the Civil war in the South, then the effects of reconstruction in South Carolina, especially Edgefield County, the movements, massacres and the Klu Klux Klan, and how the planters together instigated these terrorizing activities. Then in the next chapter, he shows the continuing political struggle of reconstruction and how it also takes a toll on economy and the agriculture sector in the 1870s-80s, which in turn becomes another basis for the whites to come together to avoid loosing further control. This chapter also portrays the class struggles within the white community and how white manhood came to be redefined among elites and planters alike. The forth chapter shows how Tillman started to take control over politics and the democratic party and proposed a potential solution to such problems was by professing control and white supremacy. The next two chapters talk about lynching, women struggles, the efforts to retain white supremacy by making it into a law and protect the white citizen, and the efforts to disfranchise the non-whites. Then the last chapters, revolves around how Tillman asserted his legacy and strong philosophy throughout the nation, his role as a senator, his impact as popular speaker and the decline in his political
authority. Kantrowitz has structured an extremely detailed yet a relatively accessible book. His chapters are to the point, and proposes exactly what it intends to. He has sourced profoundly by using old newspaper form South Carolina to give excerpts from Tillman's speeches, letters and interview. Although, there are points when it seems hard to absorb every historical fact. In addition, it gives a perspective of Tillman's political life and his stand on how he felt about the place of Negroes in a white-dominated society, while contextualizing the political, economical and social struggles and movements in the American south at that time. Its pretty prominent that Kantrowitz focus is not on Tillman, rather he uses him as a vehicle to provide the details about the postbellum period thus the many personal details that are missing seem acceptable. The book focuses on the dynamics and importance of white supremacy and how it is internalized as an identity of absolute agency and power. The book in many ways portray how desire of power drives man into doing extreme things. Besides, it also illustrates how there was a shift in power structures from race to class in postbellum Amercia. Lastly, this book gives an in-depth perspective of an average white american and his psyche, who struggles to deal with reconstruction and racism.
In his book Worse Than Slavery, Oshinsky graphically documents the story of the “farm with slaves” that turned an enormous profit to the state. Throughout the book one is continually confronted with the systematized degradation and humiliation of blacks. Before reading this book I thought I knew the extent of America’s racist past but Oshinsky proved me wrong. There are many dark truths and shameful skeletons I have not encountered before. Parchman Farm with its use of race-baiting techniques and capitalizing on racist fears of black lawlessness as a means to justify political control, violence, and murder is absolutely horrifying. At the heart of Oshinsky’s work, one can see the continual effort of whites to restore their supremacy at all
Making Whiteness: the culture of segregation in the south, 1890-1940 is the work of Grace Elizabeth Hale. In her work, she explains the culture of the time between 1890 and 1940. In her book she unravels how the creation of the ‘whiteness’ of white Southerners created the ‘blackness’ identity of southern African Americans. At first read it is difficult to comprehend her use of the term ‘whiteness’, but upon completion of reading her work, notes included, makes sense. She states that racial identities today have been shaped by segregation, “...the Civil War not only freed the slaves, it freed American racism
In Erik Gellman’s book Death Blow to Jim Crow: The National Negro Congress and the Rise of Militant Civil Rights, he sets out with the argument that the National Negro Congress co-aligned with others organizations in order to not only start a militant black-led movement for equal rights, but also eventually as the author states they “launch the first successful industrial labor movement in the US and remake urban politics and culture in America”. The author drew attention to the wide collection of intellectuals from the black community, labor organizers, civil rights activists, and members of the communist party, to separate them from similar organization that might have been active at the time. These activists, he argues “remade the American labor movement into one that wielded powerful demands against industrialists, white supremacists, and the state as never before, positioning civil rights as an urgent necessity.” In Gellman’s study of the National Negro Congress, he is able to discuss how they were able to start a number of grassroots protest movements to disable Jim Crow, while unsuccessful in dealing a “death blow to Jim Crow”, they were able to affect the American labor movement.
...isely. This book has been extremely influential in the world of academia and the thinking on the subject of segregation and race relations in both the North and the South, but more importantly, it has influenced race relations in practice since it was first published. However, Woodward’s work is not all perfect. Although he does present his case thoroughly, he fails to mention the Negroes specifically as often as he might have. He more often relies on actions taken by whites as his main body of evidence, often totally leaving out the actions that may have been taken by the black community as a reaction to the whites’ segregationist policies.
* Raised on a cotton farm in Dyess, Arkansas, Cash articulated a racialized class divide not simply among whites and African Americans, but among whites, themselves. Cash belonged to a growing class of impoverished white farmers increasingly referred to by his contemporaries as "white trash," and recast by historian Neil Foley as "The White Scourge. " In his book of the same title, Foley analyzes the impact of class and race consciousness on white tenants and sharecroppers in central Texas as they competed for farm labor with both African Americans and Mexicans from 1820 to 1940. Foley asserts, "The emergence of a rural class of 'white trash' made whites conscious of themselves as a racial group and fearful that if they fell to the bottom, they would lose the racial privileges that came with being accepted for what they were not-black, Mexican, or foreign born. "
As an unabridged version of his other book, Eric Foner sets out to accomplish four main goals in A Short History of Reconstruction. These points enable the author to provide a smaller, but not neglectful, account of the United States during Reconstruction. By exploring the essence of the black experience, examining the ways in which Southern society evolved, the development of racial attitudes and race relations, and the complexities of race and class in the postwar South, as well as the emergence during the Civil War and Reconstruction of a national state possessing vastly expanded authority and a new set of purposes, Foner creates a narrative that encompasses some of the major issues during Reconstruction. Additionally, the author provides
The original edition of The Strange Career of Jim Crow had as its thesis that segregation and Jim Crow Laws were a relative late comer in race relations in the South only dating to the late 1880s and early 1890s. Also part of that thesis is that race relations in the South were not static, that a great deal of change has occurred in the dynamics of race relations. Woodward presents a clear argument that segregation in the South did not really start forming until the 1890s. One of the key components of his argument is the close contact of the races during slavery and the Reconstruction period. During slavery the two races while not living harmoniously with each other did have constant contact with each other in the South. This c...
Although some of Woodward’s peripheral ideas may have been amended in varying capacities his central and driving theme, often referred to as the “Woodward Thesis,” still remains intact. This thesis states that racial segregation (also known as Jim Crow) in the South in the rigid and universal form that it had taken by 1954 did not begin right after the end of the Civil War, but instead towards the end of the century, and that before Jim Crow appeared there was a distinct period of experimentation in race relations in the South. Woodward’s seminal his...
This motivation and purpose are most evident in the quality of Wexler’s writing, made outstanding by her painstaking awareness throughout the text of, firstly, such fundamental things as setting and the introduction of characters, and, secondly, the overarching threads of, for instance, national and state politics, which set the larger stage for the story. In her text, Wexler briefly mentions a prominent figure in the NAACP, Walter White, noting his biting statements regarding the lynching a ...
... newspaper article shown by Woodward gave a picture of how new the idea of segregation was in the South. Woodward put it best when he stated, “The policies of proscription, segregation, and disfranchisement that are often described as the immutable ‘folkways’ of the South, impervious alike to legislative reform and armed intervention, are of a more recent origin.” (65) He wanted to show how the roots of the system were not integrated with slavery. Jim Crow laws and slavery were both horrible institutions, but they existed as two seperate entities. Woodward does not claim the South to be picturesque, because the Jim Crow laws were not established in the region. The South established Jim Crow laws and made them worse than found in the North. Woodward’s goal was not to protect the South’s legacy, but to give a clearer picture of the facts regarding the Jim Crow laws.
...ty and their survival as a group in society because of restraint from the federal government in the ability to litigate their plight in Court. The Author transitions the past and present signatures of Jim Crow and the New Jim Crow with the suggestion that the New Jim Crow, by mass incarceration and racism as a whole, is marginalizes and relegates Blacks to residential, educational and constitutionally endowed service to Country.
During the late 19th and early 20th century, racial injustice was very prominent and even wildly accepted in the South. Booker T. Washington and W.E.B. DuBois were two of the most renowned “pioneers in the [search] for African-American equality in America” (Washington, DuBois, and the Black Future). Washington was “born a slave” who highly believed in the concept of “separate but equal,” meaning that “we can be as [distant] as the fingers, yet one as the hand in all things essential to mutual progress” (Washington 1042). DuBois was a victim of many “racial problems before his years as a student” and disagreed with Washington’s point of view, which led
For more than two hundred years, a certain group of people lived in misery; conditions so inhumane that the only simile that can compare to such, would be the image of a caged animal dying to live, yet whose live is perished by the awful chains that dragged him back into a dark world of torture and misfortune. Yes, I am referring to African Americans, whose beautiful heritage, one which is full of cultural beauty and extraordinary people, was stained by the privilege given to white men at one point in the history of the United States. Though slavery has been “abolished” for quite some years; or perhaps it is the ideal driven to us by our modern society and the lines that make up our constitution, there is a new kind of slavery. One which in
The Strange Career of Jim Crow, by C. Van Woodward, traces the history of race relations in the United States from the mid and late nineteenth century through the twentieth century. In doing so Woodward brings to light significant aspects of Reconstruction that remain unknown to many today. He argues that the races were not as separate many people believe until the Jim Crow laws. To set up such an argument, Woodward first outlines the relationship between Southern and Northern whites, and African Americans during the nineteenth century. He then breaks down the details of the injustice brought about by the Jim Crow laws, and outlines the transformation in American society from discrimination to Civil Rights. Woodward’s argument is very persuasive because he uses specific evidence to support his opinions and to connect his ideas. Considering the time period in which the book and its editions were written, it should be praised for its insight into and analysis of the most important social issue in American history.
Essay 1: WRITE A COHERENT ESSAY IN WHICH YOU ATTEMPT TO EXPLAIN THE USE OF BLACK ICONIC IMAGES (AND OTHER ETHNIC IMAGES) TO SELL PRODUCTS AS THE ECONOMY OF MASS CONSUMPTION EXPANDED IN THE LATE 19TH AND EARLY 20TH CENTURY. YOU ARE ENCOURAGED TO INCLUDE IMAGES IN YOUR PAPER! During the 19th and 20th century, America –mostly white collar, middle class Americans- saw a great increase in salaries and a huge rise in mass production which paved the way for the modern American consumerism which we know today. The advertising scene saw a dramatic boost during that period and tried to latch on to this growing pool of emerging consumers. Although only limited to print, advertising during this pivotal period showed panache and reflected American society and popular culture.