In the book, Radical Women in Latin America, Karen Kampwirth discusses the role of women in the armed struggles of Nicaragua and compares the efforts of women from both the Sandinista and Contra movements. She uses interviews to recount the stories of women who participated in these guerilla movements and to learn more about the motivations of these women, how they were treated by men, and if their participation ultimately changed traditional gender roles constructed by the Nicaraguan society. Kampwirth advocates that the structural crisis aided women with an opportunity to participate in the guerilla movement, which ultimately altered the gender roles and norms of the Nicaraguan society, and successfully justifies her argument using interviews …show more content…
In response to the structural crisis, more women entered the labor forces. The men in some families migrated to find work, leaving women to seek employment. Kampwirth claims that it was the structural crisis that provided women with a opportunity to participate in guerilla organizations. She uses an interview from a woman named Emilia to further prove her point. Emilia reveals that her bosses were involved in guerilla organizations. Her mother became involved, and she eventually participated in these organizations as well. Emilias says, “ . . . That was the beginning of the struggle and we already were starting to talk more deeply as women, about women’s rights.” Kampwirth’s interview with Emilia indicates the structural crisis allowed to women to not only join the workforce, but also equipped women with an opportunity to take part in community participation. Kampwirth specifically states, “ The Somoza government’s sexism left women like Emilia relatively free to organize in ways that would help bring down the
Revolutionary Mothers: Women in the Struggle for America’s Independence. By Carol Berkin (New York: Vintage Books, 2006). 194 pp. Reviewed by Melissa Velazquez, October 12, 2015.
As much as men are working, so are women, but ultimately they do not face the same obstacles. For example, “Even if one subscribes to a solely economic theory of oppression, how can one ignore that over half of the world's workers are female who suffer discrimination not only in the workplace, but also at home and in all the areas sex-related abuse” (Moraga 98). This gives readers a point of view in which women are marginalized in the work place, at home, and other areas alike. Here Moraga gives historical accounts of Chicana feminists and how they used their experiences to give speeches and create theories that would be of relevance. More so, Moraga states how the U.S. passes new bills that secretly oppress the poor and people of color, which their community falls under, and more specifically, women. For instance, “The form their misogyny takes is the dissolution of government-assisted abortions for the poor, bills to limit teenage girls’ right to birth control ... These backward political moves hurt all women, but most especially the poor and "colored." (Moraga 101). This creates women to feel powerless when it comes to control one’s body and leads them to be oppressed politically. This places the government to act as a protagonist, and the style of writing Moraga places them in, shines more light to the bad they can do, especially to women of color. Moraga uses the words, “backward moves”
As Randall explained of her experiences in Cuba, 'the Cuban Revolution proclaimed women’s equality and seemed to have made enormous strides in its direction. The Federation of Cuban Women (FMC) had been established at the beginning of the revolution in order to organize women around the new social goals and make their needs known to Party leadership. It quickly became a mass organization with a membership of ninety seven percent of all women over the age of fourteen. It mobilized women very effectively to an array of necessary tasks' (Lewis 1977).
The Civil War in El Salvador lasted from 1980 to 1992, and the El SAlvadoran government was doing their best to minimize the threat of their opposition. Their main opposition, The Frente Farabundo Marti Para La Liberacion Nacional; otherwise known as the FMLN, was a guerrilla group that was organized to fight the corruption in the country. 175). One of the main goals of the organization was to create a new society that is not degrading its citizens and promotes equality. Throughout El Salvador’s history, one organization to the next would run the country through repressive actions and social injustice. One of the main reasons that the FMLN fought the acting government were due to these social restraints on the lower- class citizens in El Salvador.
In addition, these women were often subjected to control, domination, and violence by men” (Global). This validates Azuela’s stance on how women should stay within their traditional roles because fighting for equality has been ineffective even today.
Susan Migden Socolow’s The Women of Colonial Latin America provides a comprehensive account of the varied roles of women in the colonial societies of Spanish and Portuguese America, spanning the three centuries between the conquests of the late-fifteenth century and the commencement of independence in the early-nineteenth century. Professor Socolow writes that “the goal of this book is to examine these [gender] roles and rules and thus understand the variety and limitations of the female experience in colonial Latin America” (1) and manages to carry this argument clearly and convincingly throughout the work. She argues that the patriarchy, Iberian patriarchy in particular, was encompassed in the church, laws, and traditions of colonial society
“What kind of society made it possible for women to act independently, even when this caused conflict with the men around them” (Gauderman 132)? The Spanish system was socially, administratively, and politically decentralized, and the family was also part of the decentralization. One of the objectives of this decentralized system was to prevent any individual or group from consolidating a position of absolute control (126). Equality was not the goal of the legislation and the state, but to uphold social and legal norms (1). Gauderman gathered her information from legislation, civil and criminal litigation, city-council, and notarial records to support her theory that women had a significant role in colonial Latin America (5).
The idea that a woman’s job is to be a wife and mother is old-fashioned, but not completely out of style. Though these roles require a great deal of talent, resilience, patience, love, and strength, to name a few, they are often underestimated or depicted as simple. Especially in modern times, many women in the United States who stay home to raise a family are viewed as anti-feminists, whereas women in Latin America are not criticized for similar actions. In recent decades, more Latin American women have started to break the mold, daring to be both sexy, and successful in the workforce, while remaining pillars of domestic life.
For this critical analysis two readings, US Third World Feminism: Differential Social Movement by Chela Sandoval and Cultural Feminism versus Poststructuralism: The Identity Crisis in Feminist Theory by Linda Alcoff will be used to explore the depth of the relation between each authors thoughts an interpretations of feminism. It is obvious from the titles that these two authors clearly are focusing on different aspects of feminism and provide unique insight into the diverse branches of the feminist movement.
Women in Mexico and the United States of America have played an important role structuring their society and elevating their status. Between 1846 and 1930, the stereotype and position of women within these countries differed vastly from one another. While various traditional roles of women remained the same, the manner in which they were viewed differed. In many ways, women in Mexico held a higher position than those in the United States during this time.
My object of study is Hispanic women experience inequality in education due to the social constructs of subordination of women and Hispanic culture. Historically women have been conditioned with a patriarchal system, which a woman’s domain should be at home, to be a homemaker. The ideology of inferiority can and will justify the deprivation of natural born rights. During the progressive area and women’s rights movement women wanted to be seen as people, they wanted to have rights to own property, negotiate wages, legal documents, access to birth control, and the right to vote, those women who had the voice to deal with these issues were white upper and middle class women. During this time Hispanic women, amongst other minorities, were fighting battles against racism, segregation, exploitation in the work force, access to a good education, and oppression through Hispanic culture. It is not just a struggle to be Hispanic overcoming the inequalities within the education system but to be a Hispanic women within the education system has greater disadvantages. This case study will investigate what forces contribute to the inequality within the education system for Hispanic women in the United States.
The first wave of Feminism during between 1848-1920, aimed to gain women the right to vote and the right to birth control. (Senft, 2001). In other parts of the world, only some countries allowed women to take part in politics. For example, the closest country to Latin America is the United States of America, women were given the right to vote in 1920. However, during this time, many women in Latin America were to remain at home to do housework and look after their children, which maintain the traditional role of a woman in a household. However, it is not until the 1960s the effects of the Feminist movement reaches Latin America and women get the right to vote (Shayne, 2007).
Women in Latin America were expected to adhere to extreme cultural and social traditions and there were few women who managed to escape the burden of upholding these ridiculous duties, as clearly shown in “Chronicle of a Death Foretold”. First, Latin American women were expected to uphold their honor, as well as their family's honor, through maintaining virtue and purity; secondly, women were expected to be submissive to their parents and especially their husbands; and lastly, women were expected to remain excellent homemakers.
For a long time, feminism has failed to include the issues of Latina women. When the feminist movement began, it focused on the issues of one specific group: white, American, middle-class women; therefore, it excluded Latinas, and women of color in general. Latina women realized that they needed to stand up for themselves because if they did not do it, then no one would. Mainstream feminists were not acknowledging their issues; thus, it pushed the need for Latina feminism. Without Latina feminism, Latina issues would not have came to light and would be ignored by many, even non-Latina women. Even though women were fighting for their rights, they seemed to lack the inclusion of all women of any color, ethnicity, race, and class.
Although by the 1960s women were responsible for one-third of the work force, despite the propaganda surrounding the movement women were still urged to “go back home.” However the movement continued to burn on, and was redeveloping a new attitude by the 1970s. The movement was headed by a new generation that was younger and more educated in politics and social actions. These young women not only challenged the gender role expectations, but drove the feminist agenda that pursued to free women from oppression and male authority and redistribute power and social good among the sexes (Baumgardner and Richards, 2000). In just a few decades, the Women’s Liberation Movement has changed typical gender roles that once were never challenged or questioned.