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The importance of race in the United States
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In the Desmond S. King and Rogers M. Smith article Racial Orders in American Political Development, the authors explain that American political science has struggled to adequately deal with the issue of race in their analysis. They go on to say that American politics has historically been constituted in party by two evolving by linked “racial institutional orders:” a set of “white supremacist” orders and a competing set of “transformative egalitarian” orders. It is in these two orders that most decision-making processes can be broken down. This “racial orders” thesis rejects claims that racial injustices are aberrations in America, for it elaborate how the nation has been pervasively constituted by systems of racial hierarchy since its inception. But more than most approaches used, it also captures how said injustices have been contested by those they have injured and by other political institutions and actors. The framework they put forth provides a to organize empirical evidence of the extent and manner in which structures of racial inequalities have been interwoven with economic as well as gender and religious hierarchies and social institutions. What they are able to do with their research is to analyze the “political economy” of American racial systems by …show more content…
For some major topics, this is appropriate. However, in order to grasp the concept of race in the antebellum era, multiple orders analysis must encompass both master/slave order and America’s racial orders. This ultimately leads us to posit two evolving racial systems, the white supremacist and egalitarian transformative racial orders. White supremacist orders created to defend slavery and to displace tribes, the expansion West, and racial manifest destiny. This white supremacist order made explicitly racial identities seem natural and vital to
The North is popularly considered the catalyst of the abolitionist movement in antebellum America and is often glorified in its struggle against slavery; however, a lesser-known installment of the Northern involvement during this era is one of its complicity in the development of a “science” of race that helped to rationalize and justify slavery and racism throughout America. The economic livelihood of the North was dependent on the fruits of slave labor and thus the North, albeit with some reluctance, inherently conceded to tolerate slavery and moreover embarked on a quest to sustain and legitimize the institution through scientific research. Racism began to progress significantly following the American Revolution after which Thomas Jefferson himself penned Notes on the State of Virginia, a document in which he voiced his philosophy on black inferiority, suggesting that not even the laws of nature could alter it. Subsequent to Jefferson’s notes, breakthroughs in phrenological and ethnological study became fundamental in bolstering and substantiating the apologue of racial inadequacy directed at blacks. Throughout history, slavery was indiscriminate of race and the prospect acquiring freedom not impossible; America, both North and South, became an exception to the perennial system virtually guaranteeing perpetual helotry for not only current slaves but also their progeny.
Temporary inequality exists as a means of “improving” a subordinate to the level of a dominant. After the period of inequality is over, the two view each other as equals. The other form of inequality, permanent inequality, exists solely because of an ascription of inferiority to a subordinate that is inherent and unchangeable. Unlike temporary inequality, there is no possibility of improvement for the subordinate; they are, in the eyes of the dominant, inferior and impossible to “fix.” The dominants, who view themselves naturally superior to the subordinates, begin to take advantage of the subordinates. “Out of the total range of human possibilities, the activities most highly valued in any particular culture will tend to be enclosed within the domain of the dominant group; less valued functions are relegated to the subordinates” (Rothenberg, 112). Moreover, the subordinates, who by this point are under the total control of the dominant group, may begin to internalize the value of the dominants. “[Subordinates’] incapacities are ascribed to innate defects or deficiencies of mind or body…More importantly, subordinates themselves can come to find it difficult to believe in their own ability” (112). This theory of domination and subordination are clearly mirrored in race relations in the United States. Whites, who are the dominant group, make all of the fallacious errors involved in race-based thinking; they are prone to, like Miller describes, hoarding superior roles in society and practicing systematic cruelty towards the subordinates due to their sincere belief that the subordinates are inherently incapable of rising to the level of the dominant. This internalized belief on the part of the dominants, that the subordinates
The two articles that had a profound impact to my understanding of race, class and gender in the United States was White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack by Peggy McIntosh and Imagine a Country by Holly Sklar. McIntosh explains the keys aspects of unearned advantage (a privilege that one group hold over another) as well as conferred dominance (the act of voluntarily giving another group power) and the relationship that these factors hold when determine power of a social group. Additionally, the purpose of McIntosh’s article was to demonstrate the privilege that certain individuals carry and how that translates to the social structures of our society. Furthermore, conferred dominance also contributes to the power of the dominant group
William Julius Wilson creates a thrilling new systematic framework to three politically tense social problems: “the plight of low-skilled black males, the persistence of the inner-city ghetto, and the fragmentation of the African American family” (Wilson, 36). Though the conversation of racial inequality is classically divided. Wilson challenges the relationship between institutional and cultural factors as reasons of the racial forces, which are inseparably linked, but public policy can only change the racial status quo by reforming the institutions that support it.
Carmichael views America as a system that refuses to acknowledge the issue of race in an honest fashion. Because the holders of the country’s power, Whites, have no sense of urgency in the matter, it is comfortable taking its time in addressing such “inconvenient” problems. When the current power structure leaves those at the top of it in a particularly comfortable state, the desire to make changes that would only allow for others to have equal chance to take such a seat is unlikely.
Winterthur Portfolio, Vol. 33, No. 4, Race and Ethnicity in American Material Life (Winter, 1998), pp. 249-260
In reading chapter 1, of the “Ethnic Myth”, by Stephen Steinberg, explains how the U.S. has a dominant society. In the U.S. class structures, unequal distributions of wealth, and political power vary between certain racial and ethnic groups. A main idea in this reading is ethnic pluralism which is defined as a particularly diverse racial or ethnic group that maintains their traditional culture within a broader more common civilization. Throughout history, race and ethnicity have caused conflict and the struggle of dominance over land. In reading chapter 2, of Drawing the Color Line, by Howard Zinn, explains how early in history inferior statuses of races which lead to mistreatment lead to racism. The very start of slavery began when african american slaves were brought to the north american colony called Jamestown.
In the book ‘Creating a New Racial Order’, the authors Hochschild, Weaver & Bruch place the argument that a new racial order is emerging in the United States, and that it is the consequence of an increasing heterogeneity between and within the racial & ethnic groups. The authors use typology of categories, classification of individuals, relative positions of groups, permission and prohibitions controlled by the state, and the social relations within and between groups as a framework to analyze and explain this argument. They also use immigration, multiracialism, genomics and cohort change as evidence to support their argument. I believe I agree with the argument made by the authors in the book ‘Creating a New Racial Order’, based on the evidence
Center for Study of Race, Politics, and Culture, prod. Angela Y. Davis at the University of Chicago- May 2013. YoutTube. YouTube, 1 May. 2014. Web. 10, May 2013.
THESIS: Race differences in identity and social position were, and are, more important than class differences in American society.
Levin, b (2002). From slavery to hate crime: the emergence of race and status based
To look closely at many of the mechanisms in American society is to observe the contradiction between constitutional equality and equality in practice. Several of these contradictions exist in the realm of racial equality. For example, Black s often get dealt an unfair hand in the criminal justice system. In The Real War on Crime, Steven Donziger explains,
"Social Forces." The Skin Color Paradox and the American Racial Order. Oxfordjournals,org, 2007. Web. 29 Mar. 2014.
Originally derived from a three lectures series delivered by Woodward in the mid-1950’s, this book summarizes the history of racial oppression that developed in the United States after Reconstruction and that has remained with us ever since. Woodward explains how perpetual racial animus was not necessarily the inevitable outcome to be expected at the end of the Civil War and Reconstruction, but instead, was the product of choices by opportunistic politicians who furthered their own ends by furnishing their frightened constituents with someone to hate, despise, denigrate and abuse (Woodward, 12).
Critical race theory is an approach to examine race as a social construct, and it looks at the inequality in social and economic among the different races in society. This theory better understands the different values of the race at different level such as individual, interactional, institutional by highlighting those narratives of minorities that typically do not have the power because the privilege is typically silent those narratives by holding more power in the social position that they have. Social position refers to the position that is given to a person that is given by society and culture that is influenced by the person’s social status. The power of the social position can relate to the privilege and power of whites in politics that