III: Forces Allowing for Province-Building to Occur There are a multitude of reasons that enabled this concept of province-building to occur, the first being the creation of a federalist state in 1867. Prime Minister MacDonald at the time of Confederation referenced the current structure of the American political system as means of what not to do; giving states ultimate power through decentralization (Scott, 1951). Thus, it is clear that MacDonald desired a centralized government with a national identity and not multiple regional identities. The enactment of Section 92 within the BNA Act of 1867 has resulted in provinces being entitled to certain powers and with the need to fuel the regional interests embedded within these provinces created …show more content…
The welfare state and creation of social programs such as health care, resulted in the transferring of funds from the federal government to the provincial governments in order to sustain provincial services (Young, Blais & Faucher, 1984). These transfers have elicited the demand for grants and has given provinces power within taxation spending; a responsibility given to the federal government through the pragmatism of the Constitution by means of federal spending powers (Watts, 1999). This power to demand funds has severe repercussions in terms of conflict between the federal and provincial government; ten provincial legislatures fighting one national legislature. Thus, the more power over policy and socioeconomic interests that provinces have regarding their economies and region it allows for their ability to shape themselves and articulate as well as enhance their interests towards Ottawa. Through this, it becomes evident that the providing of social services to everyone in Canada on the basis of equality of opportunity, and equality of distribution has resulted in provinces using this to their own advantage to enhance the building of their …show more content…
The most significant example of a region employing their interests resulting in a clash between provincial and national identities is Quebec Nationalism and the desire for Sovereignty. Since Confederation, Quebec has deemed itself different than the other provinces, which is why the Fathers of Confederation, mainly George-Étienne Cartier, claimed that matters relating to: marriage, education, private property and religion should be dealt with within provinces and not be set as a national standard (Scott, 1951). This was the foundation towards giving Quebec the tools towards separating themselves from Canada; the granting of special status. In the 1960s under a Liberal government, Quebec took towards a “Quiet Revolution,” which resulted in the modernization of Quebec and the assuming of control over the education system from the Catholic Church and social programs (Cuccioletta & Lubin, 2003). This Quiet Revolution took towards the expansion of the provincial state and thus created a professional class of elites that held the same view towards Quebec nationalism and would aid in the expansion of the province both economically and politically (Meadwell, 1993). Furthermore, under Prime Minister Brian Mulroney and the desire to get Quebec to sign the Constitution; acting as a symbolic gesture, he proposed the Meech Lake Accord in 1987 (Clarke & Kornberg, 1996). Under
The Meech Lake Accord refers to the agreement that was attained in 1987 at Meech Lake in Quebec at a Canadian federal-provincial conference. The purpose of this agreement was to induce Quebec to accept the Canadian Constitution by signing the Constitution Act of 1982 and in return, the ten Canadian provinces were to accept its five conditions (Brooks 152).
Although, Quebec’s population share many similar characteristics amongst one another it is not essential to decide “the people” (Heard, 2013). To be considered a state you must represent all the people in it. Quebec prefers independences for the reason of a commonality
...portunities for service provisions. The structural reforms cut the number of municipalities in half and implemented larger, single-tiered municipalities. The legislative reforms allowed for municipalities to have autonomy away from provincial control. After assessing the previously mentioned reforms, this paper determines that it is crucial to evaluate the behavior tendencies of the municipalities and the province when measuring the impact of these changes. For a long period of time, and arguably still to this day, municipalities have viewed themselves as creatures of the province. Further, the province of Ontario has taken a paternal and protective role over the municipalities (Graham and Phillips 179-209). In conclusion, even with financial, functional, structural and legislative reforms, these roles of the municipalities and province will not be changing quickly.
Although Quebec is in Canada, a majority of Quebecers do not identify with the national identity of Canada. Both societies create a sense of identity as well as nationalism (Hiller, 295). Hiller mentions two approaches to assessing Canadian identity; the unitary approach and the segmentalist approach (Hiller, 277). The unitary approach suggests that society consists of people who regardless of their ethnic back ground, identify as belonging to the national society, while the segmentalist approach concentrates on groups and communities that share racial, linguistic, occupational, or cultural similarities (Hiller, 28). While most Anglophones are more unitary or pan-Canadian, Quebec heavily identifies with the segmentalist approach. This dissimilarity of identity perspective may be problematic for the country, at the same time however, it can also be viewed as a struggle where contradictory parties find a way to compromise and reshape Canadian society together (Hiller, 277). Canada’s former Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau made it his objective to unite Quebec with the rest of Canada. In 1969 Trudeau’s government implemented Bill C-120, otherwise known as the Official Language act, which made French an...
The year 1907 marked the beginning of treaty making in Canada. The British Crown claims to negotiate treaties in pursuance of peaceful relations between Aboriginal peoples and non-Aboriginals (Canada, p. 3, 2011). Treaties started as agreements for peace and military purposes but later transformed into land entitlements (Egan, 2012, p. 400). The Royal Proclamation of 1763, which recognizes Indian sovereignty and its entitlement to land, became the benchmark for treaty making in Canada (Epp, 2008, p. 133; Isaac & Annis, p. 47, 48; Leeson, 2008, p. 226). There are currently 70 recognized treaties in Canada, encompassing 50 percent of Canadian land mass and representing over 600,000 First Nations people (Canada, 2013). These treaties usually have monetary provisions along with some financial benefits given by the Crown, in exchange for lands and its resources (Egan, 2012, p. 409). Its purpose should be an equal sharing of wealth that is beneficial for Aboriginal and non-Aboriginals (Egan, 2012, p. 414).
The Quebec referendum that was held in 1995 was a second round of vote that was meant to give the residents of the Quebec province in Canada the chance to determine whether they wanted to secede from Canada and thus establish Quebec as a sovereign state. Quebec has had a long history of wanting to secede from Canada, considering that it is the Canadian providence that is predominantly inhabited by the French-speaking people, whose political relationship with the rest of the Canadian provinces, mostly inhabited by the English-speaking people has been characterized by conflicting ideologies . Thus, the 1995 referendum was not the first political attempt to have Quebec gain its own independence. The discussion holds that the Quebec 1995 referendum would have had both positive and negative implications. Therefore, this discussion seeks to analyze the political consequences that would have f...
Trudeau is fervent and stalwart in his opinions towards Federalism and its ramifications on Canadian citizenry. Born and raised in Quebec, he attended several prestigious institutions that educated him about the political spectrum of the country. After his time spent at the London School of Economics, Trudeau returned to Quebec at a time when the province was experiencing vast differences with its Federal overseer. The Union Nationale, a religious nationalist movement rooted deep in the heart of Quebec culture, had forced the Federal government to reconcile and mediate with them in order to avoid civil disorder or unrest. The Premier of Quebec at the time, Maurice Duplessis, found it almost impossible to appease the needs of each diverse interest group and faction rising within the province and ultimately buckled underneath the increasing pressure.
Stevenson, Garth. "Canadian Federalism: The Myth of the Status Quo." Reinventing Canada: Politics of the 21st Century. Ed. M. Janine Brodie and Linda Trimble. Toronto: Prentice Hall, 2003. 204-14. Print.
... A successful strategy in the accommodation of national minorities within a liberal democracy could be founded upon mutual trust, recognition and sound financial arrangements. However, a certain degree of tension between central and regional institutions may remain as a constant threat in this complex relationship since they entertain opposing aims. The federal governments determination to protect its territorial integrity, and its will to foster a single national identity among its citizens clashes with Quebec’s wish to be recognized as a separate nation and decide upon its political destiny and to foster its distinct identity (Guibernau pg.72). Moreover, if the ROC and the federal government can come to an agreement on terms that satisfy the majority and an identity that encompasses the heart of a country; Canada will continue to exist with or without Quebec.
Chapter 1: Regions of Canada describe regionalism and how it divides countries, specifically Canada, naturally into six regions: British Columbia, Western Canada, Territorial North, Ontario, Quebec, and Atlantic Canada. These regions have been divided in a manner that correlates ‘like spaces’ in regards to human and physical geography (Bone, p.6) along with Canada’s historical development. The second key feature of chapter 1 describes Canada’s faultlines and they’re affects on Canada’s regional divide. There are four faultlines within Canada that reciprocate tensions that are mostly solved by being “soft” through negotiation and discussion (according to John Ralston Saul, Bone, p. 10). Bone places a great focus on these faultlines, which include: centralist/decentralist, Aboriginal/Non-Aboriginal, French/English Canadians, and newcomer/old-timer. “Canada’s heterogeneous nature often forms the basis of regional quarrels” (Bone, p. 11) particularly for the centralist/decentralist faultline. English/French speaking Canadians focus on Quebec and sovereignty, while the Aboriginal/Non-Aboriginal faultline deals with land claims, settlement and colonized peoples. Newcomers/old-timers refer to immigrants and settlers of Canada. The core/periphery model is a key concept that is commonly referred to throughout the text. It depicts the core as concentrations of power/wealth/population, with the periphery/hinterland as the weakly developed, resource based area.
Quebec has considered and has gone as far to hold referendums over Separatism (Surette,2014). Separatism is when the province of Quebec separates from the rest of Canada to form its own country. Which would have immense effects on Quebec but also the rest of Canada (Martin, 2014). This report will focus on the root causes and origins of Quebec Separatism, the current state of Quebec Separatism and finally how we as a society can act towards Quebec Separatism. Root Causes and Origin
Frist, federalism is the division of power between the provinces and the federal government (Cutler 2010, 3). As well, Federal systems tend to be made up of multiple parts, which do not necessarily work together (Brock 2008, 3). There has been an increase on the study of federalism in recent years, which has created a more in-depth look at how federalism impacts the government. (Farfard Rocher 2009, 294). There are two aspects of federalism and both of them put limitations on the influence of the prime minister. The first is called political asymmetry; this encompasses the various attitudes of the different provinces such as the culture, economic, social and political conditions and how it shapes the relationship between the provincial and federal governments (Brock 2008, 4). This can create a problem for the federal government because it means that they may ha...
Regionalism is a growing concern for Canadians` as it affects economic stability, nationalism and western alienation. The economic stability is reliant on the regions having strong economic bases (Stilborn, 19). Nationalism with Quebec is a prime example of how distinct regional cultures hinder Canada’s unity, as they want to separate from Canada, while still having the federal Canadian government financially support them. Western Alienation is also a prime political culture that is regionally distinct.
In this paper, I plan to take a deeper look at this situation and try to figure out what it would actually be like if Quebec was its own country. & nbsp ; & nbsp ; & nbsp ; & nbsp ; & nbs The premier of Quebec, Lucien Bouchard, has been attempting to separate from Canada for quite sometime. If he had it his way, this topic would be old news by now. His main problem is the Federalist, English speaking citizens of his province. They have been very vocal on their stance to stay apart of Canada. They have sent around several resolutions stating this.
government, t. p. (n.d.). Quebec Nationalism - Quebec History. Faculty.marianopolis.edu. Retrieved May 27, 2012, from http://faculty.marianopolis.edu/c.belanger/quebechistory/events/natpart4.htm