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The presidents power to veto an act of congress
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The Constitution provides the President with two kinds of vetoes in Article 1, Section 7, which have been used frequently during different Presidential terms throughout history. The co-founders of the constitution placed this veto power in the hands of the Executive Branch in order to provide further means of checks and balances. The regular or return veto also referred to as a qualified veto, is whereby the President takes two steps: he withholds executive signature and returns the bill with his objections to the House where it originated. The bill is then subject to override by Congress. The second is the pocket veto which has different procedures and a more resounding effect. “If any bill shall not be returned by the President within ten days (Sundays excepted), after it shall have been presented to him. The same shall be a Law, in the like manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress by their adjournment prevent its return, in which case is shall not be a law.” (Spitzer) A pocket veto is essentially used when Congress tries to pass legislation by a simple majority for which the President either finds the legislation unconstitutional, or the President objects to or does not want his name associated with it. In this event the President can kill the bill by doing nothing, which is, “just putting it in his pocket.” If Congress is still in session after the President has had it for the prescribed ten days and he makes no response to it, it becomes law anyway, without his signature. This veto is an absolute—it kills the legislation that is in question since there is no bill return and therefore no possibility of override. The only alternatives that Congress has when dealing with a pocket veto is either to stay in session for ...
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Ginsberg, Lowi, Weir, Tolbert, Spitzer. We the People: An Introduction to American Politics 9th Essentials. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, Inc., 2013. Book.
History, Art & Archives, U.S. House of Representatives. History, Art & Archives, U.S. House of Representatives, "Presidential Vetoes". 2014. Internet Page. 26 March 2014. .
House, The United States White. Veto on H.R. 810, The Stem Cell Research Enhancement Act of July 2005. National bulletin. Washington: United States White House, 2006. White House Press Release.
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Spitzer, Robert J. "The Law: The "Protective Return" Pocket Veto" Presidential Aggrandizement of Constitutional Power." Presidential Studies Quarterly, Vol. 31, No. 4 (2001): 720-732. Print.
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Those interested in the current state of American government. Likely historians, politicians, or those with general interest. Piece is easily accessible to the audience and avoids jargon and complicated syntax.
The United State’s Constitution, the shortest written Constitution in the world, only has twenty-seven amendments, and now it is time to add another. The power of a presidential line-item veto was denied to the Clinton Administration in 1998, but with this last Congress being the least productive Congress ever, it is time to re-think the power distribution in the legislative process. In Congress, on average, only 10% of the bills proposed make their way through, and ever reach the President’s desk. In this modern day and age a bill, on average, is 3,105 words. When Congress was first created the idea was that each proposed legislation would be contained in one bill, now bills are comprised of various provisions. Which is why the power of the line-item veto would be beneficial to expand presidential authority. This line-item veto authority is the ability to cross out certain provisions while still being able to sign in to law the entire bill. This would be beneficial to the United States government, as an amendment that would allow the president to cut out unnecessary spending to in turn lower the national deficit. The United States government needs to pass an amendment to allow Presidents to use the line item veto.
Constitutional Commentary, Vol. 27, Issue 2 (Fall 2011), pp. 347-360 Volokh, Eugene 27 Const. Comment. 347 (2010-2011)
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Not surprisingly, Jackson became the object of political slander. In his reply to Jackson’s veto, Daniel Webster complains, “[This message] raises a cry that liberty is in danger, at the very moment when it puts forth claims to powers heretofore unknown and unheard of. It effects alarm for public freedom, when nothing endangers that freedom so much as its own unparalleled pretenses.” In other words, Webster proposed that through Jackson’s overuse of the veto, he was not only holding Congress hostage, but also subverting democracy.
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Landy, Marc and Sidney M. Milkis. American Government: Balancing Democracy and Rights. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill, 2004.
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The power of the Executive branch has expanded over time to become the most authoritative division of government. In contrast to the Constitution 's fundamental designer, James Madison, who predicted the Legislative branch would dominate due to it’s power in making laws and regulating taxes/spending, the executive powers have proven to be superior and ever broadening. From the birth of the Republic, the President has sought to protect his rights and seek beyond his restriction of power. Setting the precedent as early as 1795, George Washington refused to relay documents relating to the Jay Treaty to the House of Representatives and saw his actions as a justified act of “executive prerogative.” Moreover, weaving throughout the Nineteenth century, presidents such as Andrew Jackson and Abraham Lincoln conceived and added functions, such as the extensive use of the veto and the president’s direct and active role as Commander in Chief to their executive tool-belt. The Constitution communicates very little details regarding the President’s use of the power of veto and the role as Commander in Chief, but it was these presidents which established the major authority of the executive branch in these areas.