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Amy Bushong HIS 350R Spring 2017 Post-Antebellum Essay Changing the Game During the post-antebellum period, women’s rights activism experienced a shift after the advent of the twentieth century. The end of the American Civil War brought forth an era of temperance, spearheaded by women’s groups such as the Women’s Christian Temperance Union and providing a platform on which to build the case for women’s suffrage, stressing the morality and piety that they would bring to politics. As the movement progressed into the twentieth century, women’s activism focused largely on their role in the economy and traded in their piety and temperance for socialist ideologies, aggressive tactics, and a newfound focus on issues of labor and poverty. Through …show more content…
According to Ruth Bordin in her essay The Temperance Crusade as a Feminist Movement, the “missionary societies of the several Protestant denominations, as well as the churches themselves, provided already functioning female networks…” (Bordin, 218). Though the temperance movement was separate from a specific religious campaign the WCTU was “certainly church oriented” (Bordin, 218), an ideological association that facilitated the gravity of the movement. Additionally, the new gender dynamic in home economics assured the new generation of middle class women that they were no longer expected to contribute to the family income, a burden that fell solely on their husbands, and thus leaving more leisure time available for reforming duties. The growing economic security of middleclass women during this period reinforced the idea that feminism was an upper class white woman’s issue, a suggestion that WCTU was quick to distance themselves from by not speaking out about the feminist platform and focusing instead on bringing the spiritual/domestic duties that were traditionally allotted to the private sphere into the public …show more content…
These women based their rights to the public sphere not through spiritual piety or religious rhetoric, but through the same language used to legitimize economic equality and defend men’s political enfranchisement, asserting that “theirs was a feminism that was part of a broad democratic push. Until now, feminism in the United States, unlike its British counterpart, had few ties to working-class constituents.” (Stansell, 151). The strong association between the newly dubbed “feminist movement” and the question of labor rights was essential to the idea of being a working woman during the twentieth century. The WTUL, or Women’s Trade Union League, was founded in 1903 (Stansell, 153) and functioned as a kind of liaison between middle class, college educated women who could utilize their own social clout to protect working class women, and female industrial workers. The main appeal that the new feminist platform had for workingwomen was the knowledge that if women had the right to vote then they could affect politics in a meaningful way, passing legislation that would establish reasonable working hours and conditions along with laws dismissing child labor, a cause traditionally spearheaded by
“Even in the modern day world, women struggle against discriminatory stigmas based on their sex. However, the beginnings of the feminist movement in the early 20th century set in motion the lasting and continuing expansion of women's rights” (Open Websites). One such organization that pushed for women’s rights was the National American Women Suffrage Association (NAWSA), established in 1890. The NAWSA was the largest suffrage organization and worked toward securing the right to vote. The NAWSA however was split into two, the NAWSA and the National Women’s Party (NWP), when suffragists were disagreeing on how to achieve their goal.
Borden in 1893 describes how gender stereotypes can influence the minds of a nation and how the public and media influence, male dominated court hearing, and refute of evidence all lead to Lizzie’s full pardon. Kathryn Jacob’s begins with background on Lizzie Borden; how she was favored by her father as the youngest daughter, how she “had evidently given up hope of marriage, but she led a more active life, centered around good works,” and how “she taught Sunday school class of Chinese children, (and) was active in the Ladies Fruit and Flower Mission, the Women’s Christian Temperance Movement, and the Good Samaritan Charity Hospital” (p.53).The Women’s Christian Temperance Movement (WCTU) was a popular social movement that focused on a “do everything policy” to fix the problems of the community, including problems deeper than just alcohol (Brady Class Lecture,2014). The WCTU was seen as a positive movement for women to maintain their womanly roles while using their moral values to better society. Regardless of the life Lizzie lived, her stepmother and father were both killed
I have read Kathryn Kish Sklar book, brief History with documents of "Women's Rights Emerges within the Antislavery Movement, 1830-1870" with great interest and I have learned a lot. I share her fascination with the contours of nineteenth century women's rights movements, and their search for meaningful lessons we can draw from the past about American political culture today. I find their categories of so compelling, that when reading them, I frequently lost focus about women's rights movements history and became absorbed in their accounts of civic life.
Through the 20th century, the communist movement advocated greatly for women's’ rights. Despite this, women still struggled for equality.
Whereas the women’s suffrage movements focused mainly on overturning legal obstacles to equality, the feminist movements successfully addressed a broad range of other feminist issues. The first dealt primarily with voting rights and the latter dealt with inequalities such as equal pay and reproductive rights. Both movements made vast gains to the social and legal status of women. One reached its goals while the other continues to fight for women’s rights.
The Eventual Success of Women's Suffrage Rhetoric In One Half the People and Women and the American Experience, we learn that women were outraged upon finding that the 15th amendment constitutionally enfranchised men of every race and ethnicity, but still excluded women. According to Susan B. Anthony, one-time president of the National Woman’s Suffrage Association, this occurrence brought women “to the lowest depths of political degradation” (Woloch 329). Women quickly realized that the governing body of white men would more quickly give freedom to uneducated and poor foreigners than to their own mothers and wives, whom were steadily beginning to make financial contributions at home, as a result of industrialization. The analysis, herein, is meant to illustrate how the frequent lack of unity in the rhetoric of the various women’s suffrage organizations postponed and often stifled women’s attainment of full constitutional enfranchisement, but eventually forced the government to give into the women’s plight. Women like Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Stanton, of the NWSA, preached that “women must lead the way to their own enfranchisement and work out her own salvation” (Woloch 330).
In “Disorderly Women: Gender and Labor Militancy in the Appalachian South,” Jacquelyn Hall explains that future generations would need to grapple with the expenses of commercialization and to expound a dream that grasped financial equity and group unanimity and also women’s freedom. I determined the reasons for ladies ' insubordination neither reclassified sexual orientation parts nor overcame financial reliance. I recollected why their craving for the trappings of advancement could obscure into a self-constraining consumerism. I estimated how a belief system of sentiment could end in sexual peril or a wedded lady 's troublesome twofold day. None of that, in any case, should cloud a generation’s legacy. I understand requirements for a standard of female open work, another style of sexual expressiveness, the section of ladies into open space and political battles beforehand cornered by men all these pushed against conventional limitations even as they made new susceptibilities.
MacLean, Nancy. A. The American Women's Movement, 1945-2000. A Brief History with Documents. Boston: Bedford/St. Martin, a.k.a.
It was not until after abolitionist groups formed and began fighting slavery that women began to realize they had no rights themselves and began their own fight; therefore, the women’s rights movements of the nineteenth century emerged out of abolition activism. Without the sense of gendered ethical power that abolition provided women, any sort of activism either would never have occurred, or would have simply died out. The women’s rights movement was a way for women to seek remedy of industrialization; frustration over lack of power that lead to the call for women’s rights. Without the radical activists for abolition, like the Grimké sisters advocating for equality, a standard would never have been set and no real progress would have ever been made.
But when the “Women’s Movement,” is referred to, one would most likely think about the strides taken during the 1960’s for equal treatment of women. The sixties started off with a bang for women, as the Food and Drug Administration approved birth control pills, President John F. Kennedy established the President's Commission on the Status of Women and appointed Eleanor Roosevelt as chairwoman, and Betty Friedan published her famous and groundbreaking book, “The Feminine Mystique” (Imbornoni). The Women’s Movement of the 1960’s was a ground-breaking part of American history because along with African-Americans another minority group stood up for equality, women were finished with being complacent, and it changed women’s lives today.
The late nineteenth century was a critical time in reshaping the rights of women. Commonly this era is considered to be the beginning of what is know to western feminists as “first-wave feminism.” First-wave feminism predominately fought for legal rights such as suffrage, and property rights. A major hallmark of first-wave feminism is the concept of the “New Woman.” The phrase New Woman described educated, independent, career oriented women who stood in response to the idea of the “Cult of Domesticity,” that is the idea that women are meant to be domestic and submissive (Stevens 27).
Society has long since considered women the lessor gender and one of the most highly debated topics in society through the years has been that of women’s equality. The debates began over the meaning between a man and woman’s morality and a woman’s rights and obligations in society. After the 19th Amendment was sanctioned around 1920, the ball started rolling on women’s suffrage. Modern times have brought about the union of these causes, but due to the differences between the genetic makeup and socio demographics, the battle over women’s equality issue still continues to exist. While men have always held the covenant role of the dominant sex, it was only since the end of the 19th century that the movement for women’s equality and the entitlement of women have become more prevalent. “The general consensus at the time was that men were more capable of dealing with the competitive work world they now found themselves thrust into. Women, it was assumed, were unable to handle the pressures outside of the home. They couldn’t vote, were discourages from working, and were excluded from politics. Their duty to society was raising moral children, passing on the values that were unjustly thrust upon them as society began to modernize” (America’s Job Exchange, 2013). Although there have been many improvements in the changes of women’s equality towards the lives of women’s freedom and rights in society, some liberals believe that women have a journey to go before they receive total equality. After WWII, women continued to progress in there crusade towards receiving equality in many areas such as pay and education, discrimination in employment, reproductive rights and later was followed by not only white women but women from other nationalities ...
The focus of The Women’s Liberation Movement was idealized off The Civil Rights Movement; it was founded on the elimination of discriminary practices and sexist attitudes (Freeman, 1995). Although by the 1960s women were responsible for one-third of the work force, despite the propaganda surrounding the movement women were still urged to “go back home.” However the movement continued to burn on, and was redeveloping a new attitude by the 1970s. The movement was headed by a new generation that was younger and more educated in politics and social actions. These young women not only challenged the gender role expectations, but drove the feminist agenda that pursued to free women from oppression and male authority and redistribute power and social good among the sexes (Baumgardner and Richards, 2000).
They were worried about picking up flexibility through balance, putting a conclusion to men's brutality to ladies, and picking up the flexibility to chances to end up full people (Suzanne, 1996, p.1-10). They trusted that no legislature or custom ought to deny the activity of individual flexibility. Women's activists, for example, Mary Wollstonecraft, Judith Sargent Murray, and Frances Wright supported for ladies' full political incorporation (ibid). In 1920, after almost 50 years of serious activism,
Then there was the woman’s movement and women felt they deserved equal rights and should be considered man’s equal and not inferior. The man going out to work, and the wife staying home to care for the home and the children would soon become less the norm. This movement would go on to shape the changes within the nuclear family. Women deci...