Modern Canada has been subject to several different issues that have raised a number of troublesome and difficult circumstances, though one of the most notable being the 1980 and 1995 Referendums in Quebec. The province has provided its residence, and the larger national population, with a great source of conversation and controversy. The Parti Quécécois introduced both referendums, although the party was under different leadership: Réne Lévesque in 1980 and Jaques Parizeau in 1995. Both were strongly in favor of the provinces secession from Canada. For the citizens and politicians of Quebec during both Referendums, the results speak volumes about voter turnout and the true support for the potential movement – which looked to achieve provincial sovereignty. This paper will explore the strategic wording of each question and the sentiments that surrounded the goings-on around each individual referendum.
There has been a disjuncture between English and French speaking people in Canada since before the country was even established. It has been most notably seen within the federal and provincial relationship in Quebec. The interest Quebec has had to get out of their link to the rest of Canada has been most noted in modern day through the first referendum in 1980. It brought the question of political sovereignty to the forefront of national conversation – “it would decide Quebec’s, [and Canada’s] ¬– future.” The question for the people of Quebec was as follows:
The Government of Quebec has made public its proposal to negotiate a new agreement with the rest of Canada, based on the equality of nations; this agreement would enable Quebec to acquire the exclusive power to make its laws, levy its taxes and establish relations abroad — in ...
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... and understood. This paper looked at the strategic wording of each question and the sentiments that surrounded the goings-on around each individual referendum. The questions themselves were outlined and coated with deep-rooted sentiments of separation on behalf of the PQ. The referendum results illuminate the realities inside the provinces boarder in a very basic way, as it was evident that a solidified division existed. If the results of the 1980 vote were note example enough, the second made the division evident. There were two very different pictures of Quebec in the minds of its citizens, and likely this division still exists today. Although the possibility of a third referendum can not be known for certain, if the last two have been any indication of the future, there is a mix of both Quebec Nationalists and French Federalists living together in the province.
Unfortunately, this agreement was never reached at when two provinces, Newfoundland and Manitoba, failed to ratify it within the three year period that ended on June 1990 (Parkinson 1). These five conditions included the guaranteeing of Quebec a special status as a distinct society, increasing its provin...
Although, Quebec’s population share many similar characteristics amongst one another it is not essential to decide “the people” (Heard, 2013). To be considered a state you must represent all the people in it. Quebec prefers independences for the reason of a commonality
...ereignty. As mentioned Quebec does not have complete sovereignty and it shares its powers with the federal government (Johnson). Strong words like Johnson's found in the mass media are very significant to issues such as this. As elected representatives the government will not act against the wishes of the majority of citizens. Therefore if the Canadian citizens claim that Native Sovereignty in Canada can not coexist with Canadian sovereignty than it will not.
Although Quebec is in Canada, a majority of Quebecers do not identify with the national identity of Canada. Both societies create a sense of identity as well as nationalism (Hiller, 295). Hiller mentions two approaches to assessing Canadian identity; the unitary approach and the segmentalist approach (Hiller, 277). The unitary approach suggests that society consists of people who regardless of their ethnic back ground, identify as belonging to the national society, while the segmentalist approach concentrates on groups and communities that share racial, linguistic, occupational, or cultural similarities (Hiller, 28). While most Anglophones are more unitary or pan-Canadian, Quebec heavily identifies with the segmentalist approach. This dissimilarity of identity perspective may be problematic for the country, at the same time however, it can also be viewed as a struggle where contradictory parties find a way to compromise and reshape Canadian society together (Hiller, 277). Canada’s former Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau made it his objective to unite Quebec with the rest of Canada. In 1969 Trudeau’s government implemented Bill C-120, otherwise known as the Official Language act, which made French an...
There was a notable divide between Canada’s French and English-speaking population in the 1960s, as they each presented contrasting views of the country’s national identity. As the federal government faced what seemed like two separate nations embodied within a single country, Prime Minister Lester B. Pearson assembled the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism in July 1963. It was to evaluate the existing state of bilingualism and biculturalism and recommend the actions needed to alleviate the largely linguistic and cultural divides in Canada. Pearson’s directive was given at a time when Quebec was experiencing a period of great social and economic development through the Quiet Revolution, while English-Canada was grappling with the re-establishment of the country’s identity as the British definition of Canada was becoming increasingly rejected. This paper will assess bilingualism and biculturalism as it challenged national identity, seen through the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism (RCBB) and the influence of the Quiet Revolution; which resulted in policy – the Official Languages Act in 1969 and the Official Multicultural Policy in 1971 – that ultimately shaped bilingualism and biculturalism within what became a multicultural framework in Canada.
Many Francophones believed that they were being discriminated and treated unfairly due to the British North American Act which failed to recognize the unique nature of the province in its list of provisions. Trudeau, with the aid of several colleagues, fought the imminent wave of social chaos in Quebec with anti-clerical and communist visions he obtained while in his adolescent years. However, as the nationalist movement gained momentum against the Provincial government, Trudeau came to the startling realization that Provincial autonomy would not solidify Quebec's future in the country (he believed that separatism would soon follow) and unless Duplessis could successfully negotiate (on the issue of a constitution) with the rest of Canada, the prospect of self-sovereignty for Quebec would transpire. His first essay (Quebec and the Constitutional Problem) explores
Quebec has struggled with a need to be maitres chez nous “masters of their own house” (Young, 1998). Many attempts at resolving Quebec's issues has resulted in tensions from both sides. Because Quebec has a strong national identity, and do not define themselves as strictly Canadian, Quebec is seen as difficult, unyielding and discontented. Quebec's separation perhaps is inedible and the future of Canada questionable. Canada without Quebec will bring about many complications and whether there is a rest of Canada (ROC) after Quebec a major challenge. Western alienation and the lack of representation in federal affairs will be a factor; moreover, past actions and historical events may have turned Canada into a time bomb, and the deterioration of the provinces the only sulotion. How First Ministers react to Quebec's sovereignty regarding economic factors, political structure, and constitutional issues will be of great importance. Whether emotional issues will play a major role in decision making is subjective; however, it is fair to say that it will be an emotionally charged event and it could either tear apart the ROC or fuse it together. Placing emphasis on investigating what keeps Canada together is perhaps the key to Canada's future, and salvaging a relationship with Quebec.
Canada is known by outsiders to be a very peaceful country. But if you ask any Canadian they well tell you that is unfortunately not the case. For there is a large ongoing conflict between Canadians. The conflict is between the French and the English, or more specifically between Quebec and the rest of Canada. As a result of this conflict, along with some wrongdoing and propaganda. Quebec has considered and has gone as far to hold referendums over Separatism (Surette,2014). Separatism is that the province of Quebec separates from the rest of Canada to form its own country. Which would have immense effects on indubitably Quebec but also the rest of Canada (Martin, 2014). This report will focus on the root causes and origin of Quebec Separatism, the current state of Quebec Separatism and finally how we as a society can act towards Quebec Separatism.
Frist, federalism is the division of power between the provinces and the federal government (Cutler 2010, 3). As well, Federal systems tend to be made up of multiple parts, which do not necessarily work together (Brock 2008, 3). There has been an increase on the study of federalism in recent years, which has created a more in-depth look at how federalism impacts the government. (Farfard Rocher 2009, 294). There are two aspects of federalism and both of them put limitations on the influence of the prime minister. The first is called political asymmetry; this encompasses the various attitudes of the different provinces such as the culture, economic, social and political conditions and how it shapes the relationship between the provincial and federal governments (Brock 2008, 4). This can create a problem for the federal government because it means that they may ha...
Regionalism is a growing concern for Canadians` as it affects economic stability, nationalism and western alienation. The economic stability is reliant on the regions having strong economic bases (Stilborn, 19). Nationalism with Quebec is a prime example of how distinct regional cultures hinder Canada’s unity, as they want to separate from Canada, while still having the federal Canadian government financially support them. Western Alienation is also a prime political culture that is regionally distinct.
In this paper, I plan to take a deeper look at this situation and try to figure out what it would actually be like if Quebec was its own country. & nbsp ; & nbsp ; & nbsp ; & nbsp ; & nbs The premier of Quebec, Lucien Bouchard, has been attempting to separate from Canada for quite sometime. If he had it his way, this topic would be old news by now. His main problem is the Federalist, English speaking citizens of his province. They have been very vocal on their stance to stay apart of Canada. They have sent around several resolutions stating this.
...n neutral and inform citizens of the current news. Yet, in their own way, they understood that Quebec was entering the same path as the rest of Canada and adapting to change.
government, t. p. (n.d.). Quebec Nationalism - Quebec History. Faculty.marianopolis.edu. Retrieved May 27, 2012, from http://faculty.marianopolis.edu/c.belanger/quebechistory/events/natpart4.htm
The resurgence of civil unrest in Quebec once again calling for Quebec sovereignty poses a serious threat to civilised and democratic society. Regardless the validity of the claim for Quebec’s sovereignty the acts of rioting, violence and vandalism are disgraceful reflection on the movement and the acts hurt the integrity and legitimacy of their claims. The General Directorate for Internal Security is concerned that the civil unrest will harm the reputation of French persons.
First came the signing of the Canada-Quebec immigration agreement in 1991 which not only included an exclusive funding formula, but also allowed for the province to have control over its own immigration system. Following the signing of the agreement, the Mulroney government made attempts to negotiate similar deals with other provinces, however due to a lack of funding, none were interested. Ontario especially was concerned about its funding in comparison to Quebec and continued to demand for change until 2005 when the Canada Ontario Immigration Agreement was implemented.