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Case study principles of management
Case study principles of management
Case study principles of management
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According to Seybolt, in March 1999, NATO launched operation allied forces, which was a coercive bombing campaign over Kosovo and the rest of Serbia1. The purpose of the massive seventy eight day bombing campaign was to force the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia to end the repression of Kosovo's predominantly ethnic Albanian population and to accept NATO's terms for the resolution of Kosovo's future political status.
The concept of humanitarian intervention is highly contested but it is defined by Wise to be the threat or use of force across state borders by a state (or a group of states) aimed at preventing widespread and grave violations of fundamental human rights of individuals other than its own citizens, without the permission of the state within whose territory force is applied.
In legal terms NATO as a regional arrangement may intervene in respect of international peace and security, provided that actions it undertakes are consistent with the purposes and principles of the UN charter2 this is according to article53 of the UN charter. The United Nations charter prescribes conditions to be met by states when it comes to military interventions.
As states in the United Nations Charter, article 2(4) outlines the general prohibitions on the use of force. It provides that all member states shall refrain from the threat of use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state or in any other manner inconsistent with the purposes of the UN. The charter additionally outlines exceptions to article 2(4): force used in self-defense the attack must be an armed attack; security council enforcement actions under chapter VII-The security council is authorized under article 39 to determine the existence of any...
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...perts agree that the air strikes against Kosovo by NATO were illegal because they were never authorized by the security council. However, libertarian expert cite humanitarian international law to justify NATO's actions. For example the former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan stated that NATO was justified and its actions were legitimate and that a new form of intervention was emerging- for cases involving repression of minorities that will and must take precedence over other concerns of the law of states. Thus any fragrance violations of humanitarian law, be it crimes against humanity, violations of human rights in the Geneva convention or ethnic cleansing, may provide a legitimate basis for action on the part of international community because all of these have international consequences and go well beyond sacred principles of the domestic jurisdiction of state.8
In “On the American Indians” Vitoria argues that there are few situations that justify a country to use humanitarian intervention. Humanitarian intervention is defined as military force, publicly stated to end the violation of human rights, against another state. Vitoria discredits the justification of humanitarian intervention in every case, unless you are intervening for an ally or a friend. In this paper, I will argue that his view is more plausible than it may at first appear.
The system the UN currently has offers some perspective on the idea of conducting and participating in war. But...
International organizations such as NATO and the UN are essential not only for global peace, but also as a place where middle powers can exert their influence. It is understandable that since the inception of such organizations that many crises have been averted, resolved, or dealt with in some way thro...
Those countries are also members to the UN. Another similarity between UN and NATO is that all the members are sovereign states. The membership between UN is open to all peace loving states that are able and willing to carry out the duties required by the charter. Both the Security Council and General Assembly must approve applications. If you violate the UN charter in any way, you may be suspended or expelled.
The United Nations General Assembly 36-103 focused on topics of hostile relations between states and justification for international interventions. Specifically mentioned at the UNGA was the right of a state to perform an intervention on the basis of “solving outstanding international issues” and contributing to the removal of global “conflicts and interference". (Resolution 36/103, e). My paper will examine the merits of these rights, what the GA was arguing for and against, and explore relevant global events that can suggest the importance of this discussion and what it has achieved or materialized.
In a war with no rules, it had been entirely ethical for extreme measures to have been taken. However, it was later shown in the Geneva Convention that it was unethical to attack enemy civilians. Even in earlier conventions, it had been shown to be illegal and immoral. In the instance of Hague IV, it had been shown and ratified by congress that attacking defenseless citizens or persons was wrong (2). This was not the only treaty or convention, as there had been multiple others previously. Therefore, it was unscrupulous and hypocritical for the United States to drop atomic bombs on the
future shaped by wars. The side who win the battle shape the sole future of their opponent. This can also be related with the quote of Winston Churchill “History is written by the victors”. While indicating the League of Nations I claimed that absence of United States of America created emptiness over authority. This does not mean that United States creates the sole authority by itself still, without United States there isn’t a neutral country with a powerful military force left in League. The League cannot establish checks and balances system in itself that’s why decisions upon pre World War II period leaned to the victors of World War I. United Nations establish its check system on the countries by the support of super powers. We can see its example of Korean War in United Nations Security Council Resolution 84. Security Council with the resolution 84 recommended the member countries of the United Nations provide such assistance to the Republic of Korea as may be compulsory to repel the attack and re-establish peace and security. Security Council with that decision establish the United Nations Command under the leadership of United States of America to stop the North Korea’s advancement and drive back them to north of 38th Parallel. This was the first time an army established among the decision of United Nations. But, this event leads us on this question will United Nations able to stop a conflict if the conflict started or conducted by a super power like United States or Russian Federation. The answer can be found in recent events. With the annexation of Crimea by Russian Federation, Vetoes of People’s Republic of China and Russian Federations on the Security Council’s resolution on condemning Syrian government and taking immediate action towards the Syrian Civil War or France’s role on preventing United Nation’s help to prevent genocide on Rwanda. These examples show us that United Nations cannot act beyond
In early 2003, the threat of Saddam Hussein and the possibility of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq captured the attention and concern of the world. One nation decided to illegally act on these unsubstantiated claims, invading the country, violating the UN Charter and breaking several international laws in the process. The penalizations that were subject to the invading country, the United States, were never carried out. The United State’s role and influence over the UN and the Security Council, along with the nature of the unenforceable, politics and power-based international laws, allowed them to escape sanctions after their invasion of Iraq. The United States did not have a legitimate reason for invading, and their ability to repudiate international law would be unacceptable for any other country. Their decision to invade Iraq was one based on money and politics, and the US should be subject to penalties just as any other nation would have to face after unnecessarily waging war on a nation.
However, he acknowledges that they about abuse the use of force. Consequently, the natural law and legal positivism arguments should be understood as complementary school of thoughts and not “as separate traditions” (p.132). In sum, Bellamy provides that natural law provides justification for the invasion of Iraq on humanitarian terms, whereas legal positivism does not consider the human rights violations and leaves states to abuse the use of force, as in the case of Iraq. I agree with Bellamy when he asserts that the humanitarian exception in Iraq’s case resulted in abuse when he provides “Abuse refers to the case where moral argument are used to justify a war that not primarily motivated by the moral concerns espoused, but by the short-term interests of those instigating violence” (p 132). Moreover, Bellamy outlines the problems with international law. He sets out that international law has no single authoritative lawmaker in international; there is no judge above the sovereign; that customs are difficult to interpret objectively; that positive law is underdeveloped and doesn’t address the necessary aspects of law keeping; and that there is no defined community-based moral framework in place, thereby making it impossible to establish ethics (p.133). The UN Resolution of 687 that is discussed by Bellamy in the case of Iraq illustrates how it is arguable whether the use of
NATO activities are no longer limited only to Europe. In 2003, for the first time in its history, NATO took up peacekeeping activities outside of Europe by deploying troops in Afghanistan. " The North Atlantic treaty is a short document which expresses the practical resolutions and the idealism of the nations." (Ismay 12) The Warsaw Pact became the Soviet response to the formation of NATO.... ...
War, in all its forms, is tragic. International law was created to establish some basis of rules to abide by—including war—and states have signed on to such a contract. The actions of states in this ever globalizing world are difficult to be controlled. The source of international law operates through the hands of the United Nations. The enforcement of the law occurs through reciprocity, collective action, and a display of international norms (Goldstein, p. 254). War in fact has been given a justification, though it is arguable whether or not the basis of the idea is correct. Wars can be just under certain conditions.
Humanitarian intervention can be defined as the right or duty of the international community to intervene in states with certain causes. The causes can be that the state has suffered a large scale loss of life or genocide due to intentional actions by its government or even because of the collapse of governance (Baylis, Owens, Smith 480). One of the main arguments in the article was president Obamas decision not to bomb Syria after many of his Allies and people believed he would’ve after making so many plans and decision to carry out the bombing. Obamas decision can be expressing in some of the key objections to humanitarian intervention. For example, the first key is that states do not intervene for primarily humanitarian reasons. This means that humanitarian intervention would be unwise if it does not serve the states national interests. President Obama did not want to risk taking a shot while there were United Nations inspectors on the ground completing work (Goldberg
NATO, which stands for North Atlantic Treaty Organization was established on 4th April 1949 after the World War II, as an active and leading contributor to international peace and security by creating a political and military alliance among the countries. At the beginning the alliance consisted of 12 countries and later it was widely spread to 28 countries from Western Europe and North America, situating the headquarters in Brussels, Belgium considering that an armed attack against one or more of them in Europe or North America as an attack against them all. NATO uses English and French as official languages. The motto of NATO is “Animus in Consulendo Liber”
The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) was founded in 1949 as a means of collective security for the West to defend against the Soviet Union and Eastern Bloc. With the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, NATO seemed to have lost a main reason for existing. As former Eastern Bloc nations expressed interest in participating in NATO operations or even joining, Russia became steadily uneasy. When evaluating their response to NATO expansion in the 1990’s, did Russia act in an offensive or defensive manner? J.L. Black presents a plethora of primary accounts of the years encompassing NATO expansion to give the reader an idea exactly what the Russian government was thinking at the time. It seems clear that NATO expansion caused Russia to act in a defensive manner in order to protect its own strategic interests. By looking at a history of Russia, Black highlights that the Russians have always faced the problem of being enclosed by the West. This is what caused Russia to reach out to “fringe” nations for collective security support. Black also shows how during the Kosovo Crisis, NATO overstepped their bounds in terms of to what extent they could solve the problem. Lastly, NATO expansion was the cause of increased Russian military spending in the last 1990’s.
Magno, A., (2001) Human Rights in Times of Conflict: Humanitarian Intervention . Carnegie Council for Ethics in International Affairs, 2 (5). [online] Available from: [Accessed 2 March 2011]