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An essay on the uk constitution
Nature of Uk constitution
An essay on the uk constitution
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Ministerial Accountability Under the UK Constitution
“The prerogative has allowed powers to move from Monarch to Ministers
without Parliament having a say in how they are exercised. This should
no longer be acceptable to Parliament or the people.” Discuss whether
ministerial accountability is adequately addressed under the UK
constitution
The Royal Prerogative has allowed a wide array of discretionary powers
to be delegated from the Monarch to ministers without a need to seek
parliamentary approval. This system is both unjust and undemocratic as
it leaves a number of largely unchecked powers in the hands of a
privileged few. These powers, including the ability to ratify
treaties, declare war, regulate the civil service and appoint
ministers, have a profound effect on the lives of the citizens of the
United Kingdom and therefore it is necessary for them to be regulated
by Parliament, the democratically elected body of the British people.
While there are no legal rules governing how ministers can exercise
the prerogative, they are subject to a number of non-legal rules and
conventions, in particular the convention of ministerial
responsibility. As FM Maitland states this is the principle that “for
every exercise of royal power some minister is answerable.”[1]
Ministers are collectively responsible to parliament for their
administration and policy, as well as, being individually responsible
for their own personal conduct and conduct of their department. If a
minister does not adhere to the acceptable standards they can be
compelled or forced to resign. Ministers are, therefore, accountable
to Parliament for the decisions that the...
... middle of paper ...
...ccountability to
Parliament” (March 2004)
www.publications.parliament,uk/pa/cm200204/cmseelct/cmpubadm/422/42202.htm
“Unfinished Business? Ministerial Powers and the Prerogative” (May
2003)-
http://www.parliament.uk/parliamentary_committees/public_administration_select_committee/pasc_no_12.cfm
http://www.guardian.co.uk/monarchy/story/0,2763,407374,00.html
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[1] Cited in Barnett H “Constitutional and Administrative Law”
(Cavendish Publishing, Australia, 2004) pg 289
[2] Barnett H “Constitutional and Administrative Law” (Cavendish
Publishing, Australia, 2004) pg 296
[3] M and J Spencer “Constitutional and Administrative Law” (Sweet and
Maxwell, London, 2000) pg 28
[4] http://www.guardian.co.uk/monarchy/story/0,2763,407374,00.html
However, the UK has remained the same throughout history. Some countries have changed their constitution as a result of civil disorder, while others have changed it just for the benefit of the countries. There have been many attempts in the past to change the constitutional framework of the UK. In 2003, under Tony Blair’s regime, the UK and the US controversially sent troops in Iraq on the basis that it had “weapons of mass destruction” (http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-27852832) As a result a great discussion arose. Would it be any different if the power to declare war would be in the hands of the parliament instead of just the Prime Minister alone?
In Mellon’s article, several aspects are mentioned supporting the belief that the prime minister is too powerful. One significant tool the prime minister possesses is “… the power to make a multitude of senior governmental and public service appointments both at home and abroad,” (Mellon 164). Mellon goes on to state the significance the prime minister has when allowed to appoint the government’s key member...
The Strengths of the U.K. Constitution Britain’s need for a codified constitution, as a unitary state, is different. The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland is also a political union, but based on the sovereignty of the national Parliament. The UK now has a Scottish Parliament and Northern Ireland Assembly able to pass their own domestic legislation and a National Assembly for Wales which can make secondary legislation. But all these were created by and are subordinate to the Westminster Parliament, as are all 468 county, borough, district and unitary councils. Parliamentary sovereignty also entails the right to make or unmake any law whatever.
... idea of Parliamentary Sovereignty: The Controlling Factor of Legality in the British Constitution’ (2008) OJLS 709.
Bamforth,N. Int. Jnl. Of constitutional law. Current issues in United Kingdom constitutionalism: An introduction 2011 9 (1) 79-85 doi: 10.1093/icon/mor029 (Date of Access: 12/12/11)
This power is lodged in the Parliament and we are as much dependant on Great Britain as a perfectly free people can be on one another.”
The Independent Judiciary in the United Kingdom Q. Is there an independent judiciary in the United Kingdom? What obstacles, if any, hinder this independence? Although judges in the English Legal System are not part of the law making process, and full time judges are not allowed to be members of the House of Commons, they are still thought to be independent in a number of ways, as an independent judiciary plays an important role in protecting the liberty of an individual from abuse of power by the executive. There is flexibility in the law for part time judges and they are allowed to be members of the Parliament. Judges can be members of the House of Lords in its legislative function, and can take part in debates on new laws.
To look at this much quoted statement in more detail we can find a lot
In the trial process in England and Wales is adversarial. In the magistrates' courts, magistrates determine guilt or innocence. In the Crown Court, a jury of twelve ordinary citizens will decide..
Since the 1950s there has been a rise in the power of the Prime Minister, specially Crossman in 1962 and Benn, who in 1979 referred to “a system of personal rule in the very heart of our Parliamentary democracy”. As Britain has remained the “world’s most successful representative democracy”. The role of the executive has significantly increased at a great deal since the end of World War 2, however, the outward dangers of a supplementary individual hegemony attached to the Prime Minister shouldn’t be overemphasized. Although the modern examples of Margaret Thatcher and Tony Blair whose styles of leadership have each been labelled as presidential. In this essay I will be assessing the four main prime minister’s power and if his or her powers constrained under the British system. For instances, the power of patronage, cabinet power, the party leadership and the mass media. These are four main factors of the prime minister and its effectiveness can be argued.
On one hand, political constitutionalists argue that parliamentary sovereignty is the underlying principle in the British constitution as power and law making are bo...
‘The Parliamentary legislative process fails to achieve its primary purpose: it fails to ensure effective legislative scrutiny of Parliamentary Bills.’ Discuss.
One of the most influential and celebrated scholars of British consistutional law , Professor A.V Dicey, once declared parliamentary soverignity as “the dominant feature of our political insitutions” . This inital account of parliamentray soverginity involved two fundamental components, fistly :that the Queen-in-Parliament the “right to make or unmake any law whatever” and that secondly “no person or body is recognised by the law of England as having a right to override or set aside the legislation of Parliament.” . However this Diceyian notion though an established principle of our constitution now lies uneasy amongst a myriad of contemporary challenges such as our membership of the European Union, the Human Rights Act and a spread of law making authority known as ‘Devolution’. In this essay I shall set out to assess the impact of each of these challenges upon the immutability of the traditional concept of parliamentary sovereignty in the British constitution.
recognised by the law of England as having a right to override or set aside the legislation of Parliament.’1
Straw, J, ‘Abolish the royal prerogative’, in A. Barnett Ed., Power and the throne; the monarch Debate (1994) London: Vintage, p. 129.